The question of Indigenous sovereignty in politics and literature is better posed as several questions of Indigenous sovereignties in political literatures. In this thesis, I propose that Anishinaabe ...writer Gerald Vizenor and Laguna Pueblo writer Leslie Marmon Silko's storytelling conveys dimensions of sovereignties that indicate when, how, and where Indigenous sovereignties (plural) are enacted in relation to, and independent of, settler sovereignty (singular), which is defined by a relationship of possession. Silko's novel Almanac of the Dead (1991) and novella Ocean Story (2011), alongside Vizenor's novel Treaty Shirts (2016), memoir Interior Landscapes (1990), and the Constitution of the White Earth Nation, deploy Indigenous sovereignties in relationships that elude settler colonial hierarchies of sovereign subordinacy. Reading these diverse genres of texts in sovereign contexts, I engage a critical framework of generative incommensurability that catalyses the sovereignties they gesture toward as unequivocal and as unreconcilable with settler colonial sovereignty. Focussing on sovereign aspects of constitution in chapter one, temporality in chapter two, and place and memory in a tripartite chapter three, I offer an extended critical study toward how Indigenous stories realise sovereignties that exceed settler colonial political epistemology but are also not separable from a settler context. Ultimately, I suggest that an ethic of dynamic reciprocity in work with and between Indigenous and non-Indigenous worldviews enables a reorientation of political hierarchy at a theoretical level that yields material possibilities. Emphasising Indigenous sovereignties as actions expressed, not states possessed-that is, as always active and underway-I discuss the material and conceptual spaces where Indigenous and non-Indigenous sovereignties interact to reveal likenesses and incommensurabilities, encounters that desanctify the singular hegemonic worldview sustained by the settler colonial imaginary. The relationships between and amongst Indigenous sovereignties and settler sovereignty are reimagined by Vizenor and Silko's storywork to be messy, non-binary exchanges. The stories that carry these sovereign charges emerge as political sites of engagement where scholars take on roles of political agents and assume all of the responsibilities that follow.
Developments in the area of 'precision agriculture' are creating new data points (about flows, soils, pests, climate) that agricultural technology providers 'grab', aggregate, compute and/or sell. ...Food producers now churn out food and, increasingly, data. 'Land grabs' on the horizon in the global south are bound up with the dynamics of data grabbing, although hitherto researchers have not revealed enough about the people and projects at issue. Against this backdrop, this paper examines some key issues taking shape, while highlighting new frontiers for research and introducing the concept 'data sovereignty', which food sovereignty practitioners (and others) need to begin considering.
Reports on an ethnographic study that examines how the concept of the Crown is understood and contested in NZ. Examines the different ways in which the Crown as a political, legal and symbolic entity ...shapes policy and practice. Considers what exactly the Crown is, how it is imagined and personified, when and why the discourse of the Crown is used, and what the implications are of its continual usage. Argues that the Crown is an imagined yet extraordinarily powerful entity that represents more than simply a proxy for the NZ state and that needs to be deconstructed in order to shed light on the symbolic and discursive work it performs in maintaining NZ's political and constitutional order. Outlines key findings of the pilot study and suggests future directions for research. Source: National Library of New Zealand Te Puna Matauranga o Aotearoa, licensed by the Department of Internal Affairs for re-use under the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 New Zealand Licence.
In the states of the European Union (EU), the question currently being asked is to what extent dependence on technologies from the USA and China will have a lasting impact on state sovereignty. The ...term digital sovereignty stands for the EU’s desire to compensate for the deficits of the past decades, which were caused by an insufficient development of the location for software and hardware development. Autocratic states use the path of digital autarky, the USA a path of liberalization and high degrees of openness. In the EU, on the other hand, regulation, data protection, and liberal values developed over centuries play a major role in the less pronounced IT development. The path of European states to more digital sovereignty has been addressed politically as an “action plan,” but there is still no common understanding or definition of what digital sovereignty exactly means. There is a lack of a target and a measurable index as well as evaluated measures derived from it. Based on a historical derivation, this article proposes a definition for European digital sovereignty and the formation of an index. The index needs to be further scientifically elaborated for applicability.
The article is devoted to the place ofthe sovereign's veto in the constitutional systems of Switzerland and Liechtenstein in relation to the position of each within the system. Due to the very unique ...constitutional structure of Switzerland (a special role of the parliament, a wide catalog and high frequency of using direct democracy tools) and Liechtenstein (sovereign defined in two entities - the prince and the nation; the exceptionally strong position ofthe head of state, who has the right to veto both laws adopted by the parliament and motions in referendums), attempts were made to analyze the political position of sovereigns in both countries, relying solely on the right to block legal acts adopted by the parliament (refusal to sign the law by the prince in Liechtenstein and people's veto in both countries).
Sovereignty generally refers to a particular national territory, the inviolability of the nation's borders, and the right of that nation to protect its borders and ensure internal stability. From the ...Middle Ages until well into the Modern Period, however, another concept of sovereignty held sway: responsibility for the common good. James Turner Johnson argues that these two conceptions-sovereignty as self-defense and sovereignty as acting on behalf of the common good-are in conflict and suggests that international bodies must acknowledge this tension.Johnson explores this earlier concept of sovereignty as moral responsibility in its historical development and expands the concept to the current idea of the Responsibility to Protect. He explores the use of military force in contemporary conflicts, includes a review of radical Islam, and provides a corrective to the idea of sovereignty as territorial integrity in the context of questions regarding humanitarian intervention. Johnson's new synthesis of sovereignty deepens the possibilities for cross-cultural dialogue on the goods of politics and the use of military force.
The article discusses the issue of the church autocephaly through the lens of the Carl Schmitt’s theory of sovereignty. It starts from the premise that the concept of autocephaly is synonymous with ...sovereignty in the area of the inter-Orthodox relations. He uses Carl Schmitt’s concept of sovereignty-as-exception as an analytical tool seeing proclamation of autocephaly by a local church as introducing a state of emergency (exception), from which, in turn, sovereignty is born. As an example, the article considers the history of the Russian autocephaly. The article also introduces the distinction between sovereignty and its limited version, which arises in situations when a mother-church grants autocephaly to her part. An alternative model is the Church of Constantinople’s sovereignty derived from the “primacy of honour” in the Orthodox diptychs. In this respect, the article considers the prospective Pan-Orthodox Council as claiming the supreme authority in Eastern Orthodoxy.
This thesis examines how ecclesiological debates informed the languages of political legitimacy advanced by royalist and Covenanter leaders during the Scottish Revolution (1637-1651). During King ...Charles I’s reign, Scottish Presbyterians faced a Protestant king who attempted to secure supremacy over the kirk by imposing ‘popish’ Episcopalian reforms. Covenanter leaders challenged the king’s authority over determining the ceremonies and polity of the Reformed church to uphold Scotland’s status as a covenanted nation. To formulate their theories about the king’s civil and ecclesiastical sovereignty, royalist and Covenanter leaders engaged with Lutheran, Calvinist, and Catholic scholastic debates taking place in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Europe about the relationship between church and state. This thesis is the first attempt to comprehensively compare royalist and Covenanter political and ecclesiological ideas while placing them in a cross-confessional context that transcended a Reformed or ‘British’ tradition. It demonstrates how royalists and Covenanters merged analyses of legal categories drawn from a Catholic scholastic tradition with standard Protestant interpretations of the duty of the Christian magistrate. It argues that royalist and Covenanter leaders articulated ‘secular’ political ideas (i.e. absolute sovereignty, popular consent, and self-defence) to solve a crisis about the nature of the church, but not as a way to marginalise religious concerns. Instead, they reassessed the king’s relationship to Parliament and civil law for ecclesiological ends. This challenges narratives in the history of political thought which contend that ‘secular’ political ideas emerged as the church became increasingly distanced from the state. Instead, concerns about the ceremonies and polity of the church drove the expression of ‘secular’ political ideas in Covenanted Scotland. The church was therefore not an oppressive institution that had to be marginalised to bring about political change. Instead, debates about the theoretical nature of the church itself underlay the political and cultural transformations of the Scottish Revolution.
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