•Whether a color chip is chosen as a best exemplar of a color term is influenced by stimulus saturation.•The efficiency with which a color chip is communicated is not influenced by stimulus ...saturation.•Estimates of communication efficiency are better than focal colors for understanding color naming.•As languages evolve, communication improves for some colors before others.•Communication efficiency estimates provide a new framework for understanding color-term evolution.
Languages vary in their number of color terms. A widely accepted theory proposes that languages evolve, acquiring color terms in a stereotyped sequence. This theory, by Berlin and Kay (BK), is supported by analyzing best exemplars (“focal colors”) of basic color terms in the World Color Survey (WCS) of 110 languages. But the instructions of the WCS were complex and the color chips confounded hue and saturation, which likely impacted focal-color selection. In addition, it is now known that even so-called early-stage languages nonetheless have a complete representation of color distributed across the population. These facts undermine the BK theory. Here we revisit the evolution of color terms using original color-naming data obtained with simple instructions in Tsimane’, an Amazonian culture that has limited contact with industrialized society. We also collected data in Bolivian-Spanish speakers and English speakers. We discovered that information theory analysis of color-naming data was not influenced by color-chip saturation, which motivated a new analysis of the WCS data. Embedded within a universal pattern in which warm colors (reds, oranges) are always communicated more efficiently than cool colors (blues, greens), as languages increase in overall communicative efficiency about color, some colors undergo greater increases in communication efficiency compared to others. Communication efficiency increases first for yellow, then brown, then purple. The present analyses and results provide a new framework for understanding the evolution of color terms: what varies among cultures is not whether colors are seen differently, but the extent to which color is useful.
Still life paintings comprise a wealth of data on visual perception. Prior work has shown that the color statistics of objects show a marked bias for warm colors. Here, we ask about the relative ...chromatic contrast of these object-associated colors compared with background colors in still life paintings. We reasoned that, owing to the memory color effect, where the color of familiar objects is perceived more saturated, warm colors will be relatively more saturated than cool colors in still life paintings as compared with photographs. We analyzed color in 108 slides of still life paintings of fruit from the teaching slide collection of the Fogg University Art Museum and 41 color-calibrated photographs of fruit from the McGill data set. The results show that the relatively higher chromatic contrast of warm colors was greater for paintings compared with photographs, consistent with the hypothesis.
The essay reviews the psychological and physiological evidence for Opponent-Colors Theory and concludes the theory is wrong.Behavioral work shows that the theory’s three appearance mechanisms ...(red-versus-green, blue-versus-yellow, and black-versus-white) are not necessary to describe color.Physiological work shows that neural color-encoding mechanisms are not characterized by tuning to the opponent colors of the theory. Contrary to Opponent-Colors Theory, the color-encoding mechanisms of the brain are not evident in perception.A new Utility-Based Coding framework is described, by which color depends on many interacting brain areas. Encoding mechanisms efficiently capture and transmit to the cortex as much chromatic information as possible given selective pressures for both color and high acuity vision, while appearance reflects adaptable neural operations that optimally support behavior under changing contexts and objectives.
Hering’s Opponent-Colors Theory has been central to understanding color appearance for 150 years. It aims to explain the phenomenology of colors with two linked propositions. First, a psychological hypothesis stipulates that any color is described necessarily and sufficiently by the extent to which it appears reddish-versus-greenish, bluish-versus-yellowish, and blackish-versus-whitish. Second, a physiological hypothesis stipulates that these perceptual mechanisms are encoded by three innate brain mechanisms. We review the evidence and conclude that neither side of the linking proposition is accurate: the theory is wrong. We sketch out an alternative, Utility-Based Coding, by which the known retinal cone-opponent mechanisms represent optimal encoding of spectral information given competing selective pressure to extract high-acuity spatial information; and phenomenological color categories represent an adaptive, efficient, output of the brain governed by behavioral demands.
We present a full analysis of data from our preliminary report (Lafer-Sousa, Hermann, & Conway, 2015) and test whether #TheDress image is multistable. A multistable image must give rise to more than ...one mutually exclusive percept, typically within single individuals. Clustering algorithms of color-matching data showed that the dress was seen categorically, as white/gold (W/G) or blue/black (B/K), with a blue/brown transition state. Multinomial regression predicted categorical labels. Consistent with our prior hypothesis, W/G observers inferred a cool illuminant, whereas B/K observers inferred a warm illuminant; moreover, subjects could use skin color alone to infer the illuminant. The data provide some, albeit weak, support for our hypothesis that day larks see the dress as W/G and night owls see it as B/K. About half of observers who were previously familiar with the image reported switching categories at least once. Switching probability increased with professional art experience. Priming with an image that disambiguated the dress as B/K biased reports toward B/K (priming with W/G had negligible impact); furthermore, knowledge of the dress's true colors and any prior exposure to the image shifted the population toward B/K. These results show that some people have switched their perception of the dress. Finally, consistent with a role of attention and local image statistics in determining how multistable images are seen, we found that observers tended to discount as achromatic the dress component that they did not attend to: B/K reporters focused on a blue region, whereas W/G reporters focused on a golden region.
Words and the concepts they represent vary across languages. Here we ask if mother-tongue concepts are altered by learning a second language. What happens when speakers of Tsimane’, a language with ...few consensus color terms, learn Bolivian Spanish, a language with more terms? Three possibilities arise: Concepts in Tsimane’ may remain unaffected, or they may be remapped, either by Tsimane’ terms taking on new meanings or by borrowing Bolivian-Spanish terms. We found that adult bilingual speakers (n = 30) remapped Tsimane’ concepts without importing Bolivian-Spanish terms into Tsimane’. All Tsimane’ terms become more precise; for example, concepts of monolingual shandyes and yụshñus (~green or blue, used synonymously by Tsimane’ monolinguals; n = 71) come to reflect the Bolivian-Spanish distinction of verde (~green) and azul (~blue). These results show that learning a second language can change the concepts in the first language.
We report a difference between humans and macaque monkeys in the functional organization of cortical regions implicated in pitch perception. Humans but not macaques showed regions with a strong ...preference for harmonic sounds compared to noise, measured with both synthetic tones and macaque vocalizations. In contrast, frequency-selective tonotopic maps were similar between the two species. This species difference may be driven by the unique demands of speech and music perception in humans.
In the history of neuroscience, Cajal stands tall. Many figures in the late 19th and early 20th centuries made major contributions to neuroscience-Sherrington, Ferrier, Jackson, Holmes, Adrian, and ...Békésy, to name a few. But in the public mind, Cajal is unique. His application of the Golgi method, with an array of histologic stains, unlocked a wealth of new knowledge on the structure and function of the brain. Here we argue that Cajal's success should not only be attributed to the importance of his scientific contributions but also to the artistic visual language that he created and to his pioneering self-branding, which exploited methods of the artist, including classical drawing and the new invention of photography. We argue that Cajal created his distinctive visual language and self-branding strategy by interweaving an ostensibly objective research product with an intimately subjective narrative about the brain and himself. His approach is evident in the use of photography, notably self-portraits, which furthered broad engagement initially inspired by his scientific drawings. Through his visual language, Cajal made an impact in art and culture far beyond the bounds of science, which has sustained his scientific legacy.
Binocular disparity is a powerful depth cue for object perception. The computations for object vision culminate in inferior temporal cortex (IT), but the functional organization for disparity in IT ...is unknown. Here we addressed this question by measuring fMRI responses in alert monkeys to stimuli that appeared in front of (near), behind (far), or at the fixation plane. We discovered three regions that showed preferential responses for near and far stimuli, relative to zero-disparity stimuli at the fixation plane. These "near/far" disparity-biased regions were located within dorsal IT, as predicted by microelectrode studies, and on the posterior inferotemporal gyrus. In a second analysis, we instead compared responses to near stimuli with responses to far stimuli and discovered a separate network of "near" disparity-biased regions that extended along the crest of the superior temporal sulcus. We also measured in the same animals fMRI responses to faces, scenes, color, and checkerboard annuli at different visual field eccentricities. Disparity-biased regions defined in either analysis did not show a color bias, suggesting that disparity and color contribute to different computations within IT. Scene-biased regions responded preferentially to near and far stimuli (compared with stimuli without disparity) and had a peripheral visual field bias, whereas face patches had a marked near bias and a central visual field bias. These results support the idea that IT is organized by a coarse eccentricity map, and show that disparity likely contributes to computations associated with both central (face processing) and peripheral (scene processing) visual field biases, but likely does not contribute much to computations within IT that are implicated in processing color.
Imaging studies are consistent with the existence of brain regions specialized for color, but electrophysiological studies have produced conflicting results. Here we address the neural basis for ...color, using targeted single-unit recording in alert macaque monkeys, guided by functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) of the same subjects. Distributed within posterior inferior temporal cortex, a large region encompassing V4, PITd, and posterior TEO that some have proposed functions as a single visual complex, we found color-biased fMRI hotspots that we call “globs,” each several millimeters wide. Almost all cells located in globs showed strong luminance-invariant color tuning and some shape selectivity. Cells in different globs represented distinct visual field locations, consistent with the coarse retinotopy of this brain region. Cells in “interglob” regions were not color tuned, but were more strongly shape selective. Neither population was direction selective. These results suggest that color perception is mediated by specialized neurons that are clustered within the extrastriate brain.
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