Europe’s great colonial empires have long been a thing of the past, but the memories they generated are still all around us. They have left deep imprints on the different memory communities that were ...affected by the processes of establishing, running and dismantling these systems of imperial rule, and they are still vibrant and evocative today. This volume brings together a collection of innovative and fresh studies exploring different sites of imperial memory – those conceptual and real places where the memories of former colonial rulers and of former colonial subjects have crystallised into a lasting form. The volume explores how memory was built up, re-shaped and preserved across different empires, continents and centuries. It shows how it found concrete expression in stone and bronze, how it adhered to the stories that were told and retold about great individuals and how it was suppressed, denied and neglected.
Konrad Adenauer und Ludwig Erhard - zwei ,,ungleiche Gründerväter" der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, die gemeinsam eine Ära prägten, sich dann aber über die Ausrichtung der Europapolitik zerstritten ...und einen erbitterten ,,Kampf ums Kanzleramt" lieferten, der in völliger Zerrüttung endete. Neben diesem großen Drama verblasst ein wenig die Tatsache, dass ihre alltägliche Zusammenarbeit vor allem von den Fachfragen des Wirtschaftsressorts bestimmt wurde. Genau hierauf richtet die neue Adenauer-Erhard-Edition in der ,,Rhöndorfer Ausgabe" ihr Augenmerk, indem sie Briefe, Memoranden und Gesprächsaufzeichnungen versammelt, die sich auf die Wirtschaftspolitik im engeren Sinne beziehen. Behandelt werden ordnungspolitische Grundsatzfragen wie die Kartellgesetzgebung, die Mitbestimmung und die Regelung der Sozialpartnerbeziehungen. Die Dokumente geben aber auch Aufschluss über praktische und prinzipielle Aspekte der Konjunkturpolitik - etwa die Maßnahmen zur Sicherung des Wachstums, die Einhegung der Lohn- und Preisentwicklung sowie die Debatte um die gesellschaftlichen Folgen des Konsums. Es zeigt sich, wie das Konzept der Sozialen Marktwirtschaft in der politischen Praxis ausgehandelt wurde. Somit wirft die Edition nicht nur einen neuen Blick auf das Verhältnis zwischen Adenauer und Erhard, sondern erschließt aus deren Perspektive auch die Frühgeschichte der bundesrepublikanischen Wirtschaftspolitik.
Between 1911 and 1914, the conflicts between Italy and the Ottoman Empire, together with the Balkan wars that followed, transformed European politics. With contributions from leading, international ...historians, this volume offers a comprehensive account of the wars before the Great War and surveys the impact of these conflicts on European diplomacy, military planning, popular opinion and their role in undermining international stability in the years leading up to the outbreak of the First World War. Placing these conflicts at the centre of European history, the authors provide fresh insights on the origins of World War I, emphasizing the importance of developments on the European periphery in driving change across the continent. Nation and empire, great powers and small states, Christian and Muslim, violent and peaceful, civilized and barbaric - the book evaluates core issues which defined European politics to show how they were encapsulated in the wars before the Great War.
Although German Federal Chancellor Helmut Kohl and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher were on the same side in the Cold War, as well as in the same family of moderate centre-right parties, ...despite being roughly the same age and sharing a fundamental market-economic and Atlanticist orientation, they were not in harmony emotionally. This analysis demonstrates how different genders, incompatible conceptions of nation, history, and regional origins, as well as experiences of mutual frustration eclipsed their ideological commonalities and counteracted against the 'emotional regimes' of 'the West' in the Cold War. It breaks new ground in several respects. First, it does not examine strong feelings that blotted out all others but rather a range of more ambivalent and nuanced emotions. Second, it links the themes of gender and feeling by enquiring about the male or female manifestations and attributions of certain emotions. Third, it focuses on not only men and women at the top but considers their entourages as either amplifiers or 'shock absorbers' of the leaders' feelings. Finally, it explores the scope and limits of the notion that the Cold War was an 'emotional regime'.
More so, it joined a club whose rules had already been fixed without regard to specific British viewpoints and had to be adapted, slowly and rather painfully, to take British interests into account. ......from a British point of view, the process of European integration was not linked with post-war recovery but rather with the economic and political problems of the 1970s and early 1980s. ...the UK was different not only from Germany but from most of continental Europe in so far as it had not experienced defeat and the collapse of the established political order. ...for the British negotiators, the Brexit talks were about finding a compromise solution to a political and diplomatic problem between sovereign states. According to this reading neither the Old Reich nor the EU exclusively shape the identities of their members to the detriment of any other kind of allegiance.
Vom Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs bis zur deutschen Einheit hatte es oft den Anschein, als sei die Überwindung der Teilung Deutschlands und Europas nur über eine Neutralisierung der "Zentralmacht" zu ...erreichen. Versuche, den Neutralisierungsgedanken politisch auszuloten und zu einer neuen Friedensordnung in Europa zu gelangen, blieben indessen ohne Erfolg. Warum scheiterten diese Pläne? Der in Kooperation zwischen dem Institut für Zeitgeschichte München-Berlin und dem Deutschen Historischen Institut London entstandene Band thematisiert die Pläne deutscher Befürworter einer Neutralisierung erstmals im Zusammenhang mit den Erfahrungen blockfreier Staaten und den Positionen der vier Siegermächte zu einer Neutralisierung Deutschlands.
Taking German-British „newspaper wars“ as an example, this study looks at the interaction between the emerging mass press and foreign policy, traditionally conducted as secret diplomacy, in the 25 ...years before the First World War. „Press feuds“ are construed as focal points that highlighted contemporary discourses and the actions of various individuals and social groups. They represented phases in which media and political communication intensified, and in which enemy images were created or confirmed, self-perceptions modified or consolidated. At the same time they presented an opportunity to examine and re-adjust the relationship between diplomacy and the public sphere. The example of Anglo-German relations is particularly suitable for an analys is of the tension between „public opinion“ and diplomacy. For diplomatic friction due to hos tile newspaper articles, critical press commentaries, or caricatures seen as insulting, played a crucial role between Germany and Britain in the years 1896 to 1912. At the same time the asse rtion that there was actually no conflict of interests between the two countries, and that these unfortunate „press feuds“ were solely responsible for political discord, became the standard argument of all those seeking to improve relations. The background to all this was the massive extension of the boundaries of the public sphere. The dividing line between legitimate general interest and what should be withheld from this interest, was moved. This applied not only to the relationship between public and private, but also to the pair of opposites „public – secret“. There was increasing pressure for sectors that had long-since been regarded as the exclusive domain of political and social elites to be opened up to the general public. Governments felt challenged to maintain responsibility for key areas such as foreign policy in the face of this onslaught of publicity. Technical innovations such as the rotary press, the telegraph, and the telephone, along with the emergence of a mass press that saw itself as politically neutral and was financed by advertisements, as well as increased professional self-confidence on the part of the journalists, brought about a dramatic shift in the system of coordinates of publicity and diplomacy. Thus the commercial mass press and its producers fundamentally changed the conditions under which foreign policy was conducted, and indeed is still conducted today.
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