Članek razpravlja o tihotapljenju ljudi v kontekstu evropskega mejnega režima. Oriše teptanje pravice do azila, razčleni demonizacijo tihotapcev in prikaže paradoks kriminalizacije solidarnosti. Kot ...tržna nelegalna storitev se tihotapljenje ljudi bistveno razlikuje od solidarnosti z ljudmi na poti. Protitihotapska zakonodaja pa ukinja razlike med tihotapljenjem in solidarnostnimi praksami, saj materialna korist ni nujen element kriminalizacije pomoči pri migraciji. Ugotavlja, da »nasilne meje« in državni pregon antagonizem tihotapstvo-solidarnost umeščajo na isti kontinuum in da so solidarnostne prakse upor proti nasilnim mejam, tihotapljenje pa njihov učinek.
Differently from studies that analyze antideportation struggles in relation to concepts of state sovereignty and (un)making of citizenship, this paper focuses more on intersection of politics and ...body. It discusses struggle for the “place in the world” as an embodied experience. Ahmad Shamieh came to Slovenia in 2016 through the humanitarian corridor on the Balkan route. The Slovene Ministry of the Interior refused to examine his asylum claim and instead issued him a Dublin Regulation decision, stating that he was to be deported to Croatia. Ahmad’s and his supporters’ legal and political struggle, which lasted several years, prevented his deportation. In contrast to state’s politics of exclusion, causing dehumanization and traumatization the grassroots community struggle developed the politics of inclusion, solidarity and care from below, in practice transforming the conditions of belonging.
Meje politične skupnosti (tj. države) so meje socialnih pravic. Izbris iz registra stalnega prebivalstva, ki se je začel leta 1992, je primer sistematičnega izključevanja iz skupnosti in s tem ...teptanja dostojanstva in onemogočanja pravic. Čeprav ilegalizacija oseb in omejevanje socialnih pravic nista osrednji temi socialnega dela, sta z vidika etike in poslanstva pokliča ključni. Raziskovalno vprašanje članka je, ali so meje socialnih pravic tudi meje socialnega dela. Avtorica izhaja iz teoretskih pojmov rasizma in strukturnega nasilja. Predstavi socialnodelovne in druge studije, ki na različne načine problematiziralo omejenost sociálne države. Etnografski del članka so izjave socialnih delavk in delavcev о tem, kako se spominjajo izbrisa iz registra stalnega prebivalstva, ko še ni bil prepoznan kot kršitev človekovih pravic. Izkušnje izbrisanih prebivalcev in prebivalk so povzete iz drugih razi skav.
Avtonomijo socialnega dela ogroža varnostnizacija, ki je oblika strukturnega nasilja nad migranti in begunci. Policijska potiskanja na evropskih mejah so kršitev mednarodnih standardov in pravice do ...pravic ljudi na poti. V takem rasističnem družbenem kontekstu so tudi skupine in posamezniki, ki se solidarizirajo z migranti, preganjani in ustrahovani. Oblast solidarnost prikaže kot zločin. V članku avtorica na podlagi metod opazovanja z udeležbo in avtoetnografije išče mesto socialnega dela, ki neenakosti in nasilja ne bo povečevalo, temveč upoštevalo načela stroke.
Avtonomijo socialnega dela ogroža varnostnizacija, ki je oblika strukturnega nasilja nad migranti in begunci. Policijska potiskanja na evropskih mejah so kršitev mednarodnih standardov in pravice do ...pravic ljudi na poti. V takem rasističnem družbenem kontekstu so tudi skupine in posamezniki, ki se solidarizirajo z migranti, preganjani in ustrahovani. Oblast solidarnost prikaže kot zločin. V članku avtorica na podlagi metod opazovanja z udeležbo in avtoetnografije išče mesto socialnega dela, ki neenakosti in nasilja ne bo povečevalo, temveč upoštevalo načela stroke.
In the period of state formation (1991-1992), the Slovene Ministry of the Interior erased, that is, excluded from legal status, those immigrants from other parts of the former Yugoslavia who did not ...become Slovene citizens when citizenship was available under initial simplified criteria. Compared with the processes of independence in Estonia and elsewhere, exclusion in the form of erasure from the register of permanent residents in Slovenia extended beyond the creation of foreigners within the country (i.e. foreign citizens with the right to remain and support themselves); this exclusion created outlaws, legal freaks (Arendt) or homines sacres (Agamben) - bare human beings who were expunged from society and deprived of all former rights and roles. This article discusses the citizenship practices of the victims of the erasure and interprets these practices as emancipation processes: the erased used grass roots and legal means to attempt to obtain the right to dignity, the right to stay and the right to compensation for their 'lost years'. The effects of their struggle went beyond matters of mere utility: by publicly defining themselves as 'the erased' and acting upon injustice; the erased challenged the boundaries of citizenship in terms of membership and content.
Social work is seen as a profession developing ethical considerations and arguments to advocate for the right to belong to an organised political community, the right to social security and the right ...to personal liberties as applicable to all people, regardless of their immigration status. Immigration control is thus seen as a source of unjust policies and practices. Those who find themselves undocumented are supposed to remain invisible and without claims on state or society. This article considers some examples of collective mobilisations (the Erased, No Border, Invisible Workers of the World), empowerment and political subjectivisation of non-citizens and the ways in which activism can challenge the notions of belonging, citizenship and access to social rights. When resisting, people create networks of solidarity and invent new ways of belonging. This could be seen as 'regularisation from below': the growing autonomy of the city (as opposed to state definitions of belonging) and de-illegalisation at the micro level (at the city level, access to municipal social services, rights with employers etc).
PDF
