Throughout history, the production of lime on the Croatian islands, which are mostly made of limestone and dolomite, has been an important economic activity. In the northern Dalmatian islands, which ...are centrally positioned on the northeastern Adriatic coast, lime was produced for local needs, but also for the purposes of construction in the nearby cities of Zadar and Šibenik. On the basis of research into various written and cartographic archival sources relating to spatial data, in addition to the results of field research, various traces of lime production have been found in the landscape of the northern Dalmatian islands. Indications of this activity in the insular karst are visible in anthropogenic forms of insular relief (lime kilns, small quarries, stone deposits) and in degraded forms of Mediterranean vegetation. This activity has also left its mark on the linguistic landscape in the form of toponyms, indicating that lime kilns were an important part of the cultural landscape.
This paper analyses the manuscript map of central and parts of northern Dalmatia by an unknown author in the first decade of the 16th century. It is the oldest preserved detailed depiction of a ...Croatian region and is currently housed in the State Archives of Venice (Archivio di Stato di Venezia). The analysis of its geographic and toponymic data and the correlation of this data with archival sources show that its qualitative and quantitative content represents a significant advance in the visualisation of spatial reality. It is therefore a valuable cartographic record essential to historical-geographic research of Croatia and the Adriatic as the arena of centuries of military-political confrontation between the Venetian Republic, the Hungaro-Croatian Kingdom (under the Habsburg Dynasty from 1527) and the Ottoman Empire.
Demografska povijest Dalmacije i njezina zaleđa u kasnom srednjem i ranom novom vijeku bitno je obilježena migracijama i privremenim ili trajnim doseljenjima većih skupina morlačkog (vlaškog) ...stanovništva. Vranski je prostor u tom pogledu, a isto se može reći i za čitavu zadarsku regiju, slabo istražen, posebice kada je riječ o 15. i 16. stoljeću. Ovim ćemo prilogom nastojati ispuniti barem dio te historiografske praznine, usredotočujući se na period od četrdesetih godina 15. stoljeća do početka Ciparskog rata 1570. godine. U prvom ćemo dijelu rasprave razmotriti arhivske vijesti o sezonskim migracijama morlačkih katuna, koji su često zimi iz svojih staništa u hrvatskom zaleđu dolazili na mletačke pašnjake u okolici Vrane. Potom ćemo se posvetiti migracijskim procesima uzrokovanim osmanskim osvajanjima, pri čemu ćemo posebno pratiti tragove morlačke populacije poznate pod nazivom Vlasi Istre ili Morlaci Istrijani, koja je od 20-ih god. 16. st. davala demografski pečat pograničnom prostoru šireg zadarskog zaleđa, obremenjenog mletačko-osmanskim trvenjima i ratnim sukobima.
Dosadašnja je historiografija stariju demografsku povijest Pakoštana (do početka 17. stoljeća)
problematizirala na temelju tri arhivska vrela: ugovora o obnovi naselja iz 1597. te popisa glavara ...obitelji iz 1608. i 1610. godine. U njima su prepoznati doseljenici koji su obilježili novu etapu, moglo bi se reći i novi početak, pakoške povijesti, nakon gotovo četiri desetljeća demografskog prekida, uzrokovanog turskim pustošenjem na početku Ciparskog rata (1570.). Neodgovorenim je pak ostalo pitanje tko su bili žitelji Pakoštana prije 1570. godine. Odgovor ćemo ponuditi u ovom radu, posvećujući se ujedno revalorizaciji vijesti iz 1597., 1608. i 1610. godine. Uz to, posebno ćemo razmotriti slučaj jedne kriminalne istrage odnosno sudskog postupka protiv šestorice Pakoštanaca, kako zbog pregleda lokalne antroponimije tako, pa i više, zbog oslikavanja neizvjesne svakodnevice na mletačkoosmanskom pograničju koja je u promatranom razdoblju odlučujuće utjecala na demografske procese ne samo u Pakoštanima nego i na čitavom sjevernodalmatinskom priobalju.
U prilogu se razmatra arhivski zapis iz sredine 15. stoljeća koji je u literaturi poznat kao „katalog“ ili „popis“ župa i naselja Šibenske biskupije. Nije sačuvan u originalu, nego u prijepisima iz ...16., 17. i 18. stoljeća. Nakon uvodnih reminiscencija na postojeću literaturu, donosi se osvrt na dataciju i provenijenciju prijepisa te rukopisnu tradiciju, potom se raščlanjuje sadržaj zapisa, a na kraju se pristupa problemu njegove recepcije u recentnoj znanstvenoj i neznanstvenoj javnosti.
The text discusses the archival record from the mid-15th century, which is known in the literature as a “catalogue” or “list” of parishes and villages of Šibenik diocese. It is not preserved in the ...original, but in transcripts from the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries. After introductory reminiscences of the existing literature, a review of the dating and provenance of the transcript and the manuscript tradition is given, followed by the analysis of the record content. Finally, the text brings the problem of its reception in the recent scientific and non-scientific public.
Recent historiography has produced a number of notable works on the Venetian-Ottoman relations at the border of Trogir in the 16th century and the role of the newly settled Ottoman Morlachs therein. ...This paper is a contribution to the understanding of these relations, its research sensors focusing primarily on the previously unpublished archival data about the presence of the Morlach tribes (Katuns) in individual villages of the Trogir district in the period from 1530 to 1600. It has been noted that the majority of the newly arrived Morlachs belonged to the tribal groups of Vratković, Popović, and Vasarović. The Vratković tribe, which came from Herzegovina, was the most numerous. They inhabited six villages – Ljubitovica, Bristivica, Prapatnica, Dašini Doci, Vraca, and Blizna. The village of their elder (Katunar) was in Ljubitovica. The Popović tribe is mentioned in 1530 in Zbičje (the north-eastern part of present-day Prgomet) and later recorded in Suhi Dol and Kosmači (present-day Primorski Dolac). The Vasarović tribe was located in Trolokve and most probably owes its tribal name to Vasav, the father of Jacob, who in 1550 was the village’s elder. Thus, the three Morlach communities demographically covered two-thirds of the settlements in the hinterland of Trogir, the area “behind the hills,” and the Trogir district. Perhaps future research will identify them also in the remaining third, for instance in Labin, Opor, Prgomet, and Radošić.
This modest contribution is dedicated to the memory of the late professor Franjo Smiljanić. One of the historiographic issues that intrigued him by the end of his life dealt with didići – poorly ...known and even less explored social class from the Croatian medieval period. Therefore it seemed appropriate to pay attention to didići on this occasion, as we collected some new information in that regard in the meantime.
This modest contribution is dedicated to the memory of the late professor Franjo Smiljanić. One of the historiographic issues that intrigued him by the end of his life dealt with didići – poorly ...known and even less explored social class from the Croatian medieval period. Therefore it seemed appropriate to pay attention to didići on this occasion, as we collected some new information in that regard in the meantime.
In the second half of the 15th century, Šibenik’s hinterland was affected by strong and almost continuous emigration due to the Ottoman incursions. During the Venetian-Ottoman War (1499-1502), even ...the last inhabitants, subjects of the Venetian Republic, abandoned their villages in the area of Šibenska Zagora. Soon after the Ottomans conquered Knin, Drniš, and Skradin in 1522, thus becoming the immediate neighbours of Šibenik, the two opposed sides started to negotiate, which in 1525 brought about the stabilization of political contacts and the establishment of trading relations in the borderline area of Skradin and Šibenik. However, the Ottoman authorities began assigning the abandoned land in the hinterland to their meritorious military personnel, who in turn invited the Morlaks from the continental Ottoman provinces, mostly Herzegovina, to colonize them. As early as 1525, the Venetian emissary in Istanbul complained that the Ottoman subjects had illegally occupied the village of Konjevrate in the Šibenik district, and in 1527 the High Porte received a new complaint claiming that the Ottoman Morlaks were using pastures belonging to Trogir and Šibenik without authorization, and that some of them had even settled down there. The Porte ordered Husref, the Bosnian sanjakbey, to investigate the matter. In 1531, together with the kadi of Skradin, he negotiated with some Venetian diplomats, who showed him old Hungarian documents about the medieval borders of the Trogir and Šibenik districts. As he reported to the Sultan about the matter, in 1533 a directive came from Istanbul that the occupied territories should be returned to the people of Trogir and Šibenik, while the Morlaks should be transferred to other places within the Ottoman Empire. Having heard that, the Morlaks hurried to Šibenik, where they signed contracts with the landowners concerning the lease of villages where they had been hitherto living illegally. The issue of ownership over the hinterland villages belonging to Šibenik and Trogir again became a point of dispute between the Venetians and the Ottomans after the War of the Holy League (1537-1540) as the Morlaks were no longer giving the agreed part of income from grains and cattle to the landholders of Šibenik. The tax list of the Klis sanjak from 1550 mentions the disputed villages belonging to Šibenik simply as Ottoman possessions. On several occasions (in 1549, 1551, and 1553), the Venetian emissaries in Istanbul received a written confirmation from the Porte that the 33 villages under dispute belonged to the Šibenik district, but these decisions were never implemented. The issue was finally solved through the peace treaty signed immediately after the Cyprus War (1570-1573), when the entire territory of Zagora also de iure became part of the Ottoman Empire.