Članek se posveča vprašanju diagnostičnih paleografskih prvin za posoški areal (tj. skupino venetskih napisov, odkritih v loku med Kobaridom, Idrijo pri Bači, Šentviško planoto in Cerknim) v ...okviru območja, na katerem se je med 6. in 1. st. pr. n. št. uporabljal venetski alfabet. Značilne prvine (najsi bo arhaizmi ali inovacije), kot so ugotovljive na podlagi že dolgo znanih in večkrat obravnavanih pisnih spomenikov Is 1 in Is 2, so sopostavljene podatkom, ki jih prinašajo novoodkriti napisi posoškega prostora (zlasti *Is 4, *Is 7, ki sta kot Is 1 in Is 2 nedvomno avtohtona), ter ponovno ovrednotene in dopolnjene v poskusu natančnejšega izrisa relevantnih izograf, ki posoško skupino napisov v venetskem alfabetu izdvajajo iz splošnovenetskega areala.
The last few years have seen an increase in handbooks – monographs that should by any standard aim to function as well-rounded state-of-the-art reports on all the various relevant aspects that ...constitute a particular specialized field of a given scientific discipline – that seem to represent a new generation of reference works, one not necessarily too engaging.
The etymology of the Slovene hydronym Soča (Standard Friulan Lusìnç, Italian Isonzo) was satisfactorily elucidated more than half a century ago. The overall idea that the river name goes back to a ...derivative of a Proto-Indo-European verbal root *H1eisH2- is undoubtedly correct (the exact meaning of the root in question has, however, not been sufficiently corroborated) but the details remain hopelessly obscure. Given the contemporary reflexes of the underlying name (viz. Friulan Lusìnç ~ dial. Lisùns etc.) and the sometimes conflicting or not at all easily reconcilable historical attestations (spanning nearly a millenium), no consensus can in fact be reached about the exact formal means involved in the derivation of the original deverbative formation – a fact which results from the overall inconvenience of sheer wealth of combinatorial possibilities that go hand in hand with the general ambiguity of the phonology more or less directly reflected by the later reflexes of the name. The present contribution is an attempt at unifying all the reliable data at our disposal into a coherent picture that would bring a satisfactory answer as to the exact phonological and morphological make-up of the pre-historic source (alongside with the reconstructed meaning) and its subsequent history as it passed through the various linguistic strata.
The ancient name of the mountain (pass) that lies at the junction of the Julian and Dinaric Alps (nowadays Mt Nanos and the adjoining Razdrto Pass in southwestern Slovenia) is attested as Ocra in ...Latin (Pliny) and ῎Oκρα in Greek sources (Strabo, Ptolemy). The name is surely Italic and is argued to go back to Proto-Indo-European *H2ok̑reH2- (to *H2ek̑ - ‘to be/become/make sharp’). Given that an o-grade root is not expected in a deverbal adjective in -ro- (i.e. *H2ek̑-ró- ‘sharp’), such a formation is only interpretable as a substantivized feminine form of the possessive adjective *H2ok̑-r-ó- ‘sharp,’ derived from an acrostatic heteroclite neuter abstract noun *H2ók̑-r-/*H2ék̑-n- ‘sharpness.’ As such, Ocra ~ ῎Oκρα is the only unambiguous evidence for the existence of a deverbal abstract with o : e ablaut in Proto-Indo-European. In the addendum a brief etymological account is given of the place-name Acumincum ~ Acimincum from Pannonia Inferior, which likewise goes back ultimately to the PIE root *H2ek̑ -, arguing in favour of the Ptolemaic variant with Acu- (as opposed to Aci-) as the forma difficilior. The proposed etymology starts from PIE *H2ek̑-m̥n-o- > *akumno- ‘rock’ + *-enko- (*akumnenko- ‘rocky (place)’), from which *akumenko- > *akuminko- would then be produced by simple regressive dissimilation.
The undoubtedly Gaulish personal name Loucita, attested in the Norico-Pannonian onomastic area, is particularly interesting from the point of view of its word formation. Unambiguous parallels for ...such a derivative are difficult to find in Celtic onomastic material, the only possible but very uncertain candidate being a Goidelic river name Ἀργίτα, recorded by Ptolemy. Outside of Celtic, the name of a Germanic seeress Vel(a)eda, if it goes back to *u̯elētā- (which is a probable but not the only possibility), is a potential case in point, which would then unavoidably imply that Loucita < *leu̯k-ēt-ā- must somehow be based on the oblique stem with a generalised length of the suffixal vowel (*leu̯k-ēt-) taken over from the nominative singular, where it was inherited. Since the category of lexicalised, synchronically unproductive dethematic *-et-stems in Celtic typically displays exactly that phenomenon, this etymological interpretation cannot be dismissed as ultimately improbable. Another reasonable possibility, however, would be to start from a feminine abstract *lou̯k-i-/*leu̯k-i- ‘brightness, lustre’ (itself based on the thematic possessive adjective *leu̯k-ó- by external derivation), to which Loucita could then represent a barbātus-type adjectival derivative *leu̯k-i-to- ‘having lustre,’ exactly parallel to the type seen in Indo-Iranian colour adjectives. It is argued that the latter type probably does not represent thematic possessives of t-abstracts to i-stem adjectives but, contrary to the communis opinion, rather goes back to to-possessives of i-stem abstracts. Under both analyses, however, the name is an important addition to the Proto-Indo-European type of derivative in *-ito-, so far unambiguously identified only within Indo-Iranian.
The Venetic inscription from Kaštelir above Korte, bearing the siglum *Ts3, was incised onto a bowl sherd of grey depurated ware. It contains four graphemes in an unfragmented sequence that most ...likely reads vose, although the paleographic interpretation of the third grapheme remains somewhat problematic. The inscription very likely represents a personal name, probably in an abbreviated form, but one that has no exact match in the available corpus of Venetic inscriptions.
The main focus of the article is the personal name Q(u)iemoni(s), recently discovered on a tombstone found in the Church of sv. Janez Krstnik (St. John the Baptist) in Podkraj. Recognising its ...profound importance for a better understanding of the autochthonous onomastic tradition of Roman-period Ig, the etymological and epigraphic approach to the name (recognised as a derivative of the Proto-Indo-European root *keH1- ‘(have a) rest’, probably close in meaning to Latin ‘quiētus’) are coupled with a critical and refined insight into the layered nature of the epichoric anthroponymy.
The hapax legomenon Qiemoni found on a recently discovered Roman tombstone from Ig (present-day Slovenia) is analysed from the view-point of epigraphy, onomastics, morpho(phono)logy, and word ...formation in order to yield or else fail to provide a potentially interesting addition to the PIE lexicon. The sequence is argued to most likely stand for a masculine personal name *Quiemonis, continuing a virtual *ku̯i̯eH₁-mon-(i)i̯o- to PIE *ku̯i̯eH₁- ‘(have a) rest’. This rather obvious etymological analysis, however, raises several more or less tangential questions, both at the level of Proto-Indo-European as well as with reference to the prehistory of the individual Indo-European linguistic systems in question.
PDF
