Root stress in the Old Prussian ā-stem gen. sg. ālg-as was taken from the homonymous o-stem gen. sg. deiw-as (Lith. lángo, Sl. *vȏrna). This analogy took place after the reshuffling of the ...Balto-Slavic o-stem gen. sg. *-ā as *-ās in the prehistory of Old Prussian. The shortening *-ās > -as was most probably conditioned by the fact that this ending was always unstressed.
Abstract
It is now generally agreed upon that the Indo-European simple thematic presents are a post-Anatolian innovation. The origin of this formation, however, remains unclear. In this paper it is ...argued that the initial core of simple thematic presents was of denominative origin. They go back to an early Core
PIE
class of denominatives derived from
e
-grade thematic adjectives through conversion, e.g., adj. *
léu̯k-o
- ‘clear’ (Gk. λευκός ‘white’) → vb. *
léu̯k-e/o
- ‘be/make clear’ (Ved.
rócate
‘shines’,
TB
lyuśtär
‘will light up’). This derivational pattern became obsolete already within Core
PIE
and a number of original denominatives like *
léu̯k-e/o
- were reinterpreted as primary present stems.
Abstract
This article presents a new approach to the Baltic and Balto-Slavic infinitive system. It is argued that the traditional view (which, in essence, derives the Slavic infinitive -ti from PIE ...loc. sg. *-tēi̯ and projects all Baltic infinitive endings back into Balto-Slavic) is for several reasons problematic. Balto-Slavic possessed just one infinitive (OCS -ti, Lith. -ti < Bl.-Sl. *-tī < PIE dat. sg. *-tei̯-ei̯, as per Hill 2016) and a supine (OCS -tъ, Lith. -tų < Bl.-Sl. *-tun < PIE acc. sg. *-tum). All other infinitive endings of Baltic (OPr. -twei, Lith. dial. -tie, Latv. refl. -tiê-s) were an exclusive creation of this branch. The reasons for the expansion of the infinitive in Baltic are also discussed.
The article discusses the history of the Baltic secondary local cases within the framework of modern Balto-Slavic accentology and recent advances in our knowledge of the Baltic Auslautgesetze. The ...main factor determining the accent of the local cases was the development of Balto-Slavic enclinomena in Baltic. When the local cases were created enclinomena were still preserved, leading to word forms with stress on the original adposition (e.g. o-stem all. sg. *miśkā̲̍+pre̲i̯̲). When nominal enclinomena were lost the accent shifted to the immediate left with concomitant métatonie rude, yielding *miśkā̲̍pre̲i̯̲ (Lith. miškóp(i), in contrast with gen. sg. mìško). This was the origin of unexpected stress position and unexpected acute intonation in the secondary local cases. Another important factor was Saussure’s law, which took place at a much later stage in the immediate prehistory of Lithuanian. Other conclusions emanating from the accentological approach of this article include the following: 1) the illative, allative and adessive go back to Proto-Baltic and reflect Uralic influence. The inessive was created in East Baltic; 2) the adessive was built on the dative, as first proposed by Rosinas (2000); 3) the local cases underwent a number of innovations in East Baltic, most saliently in the illative plural and the locative; 4) the adpositional nature of the allative and adessive was perceived for a considerably longer period of time than that of the illative and inessive, which determined a partly different development of these cases; 5) finally, new accounts are proposed for some of the local cases (i- and u-stem dative and adessive singular; ā- and ē-stem locative and inessive singular; u-stem inessive singular; illative plural).
The article deals with relics of zero-grade fientive denominative nasal and sta-presents in Baltic even when derived from full-grade nominals, a derivational pattern going back to "Northern ...Indo-European"
The termination of the isolated adverbs Lith. namõ “homewards” and Sl. *dȍma “at home” is traced back to a common Balto-Slavic prototype *-ā̃, which in turn is argued to go back to a post-Anatolian ...variant *-oh₂a of the PIE directive. The ending *-oh₂a was formed through recharacterization of the inherited thematic directive *-oh₂ (apocopated from pre-PIE *-o-h₂e) with the athematic ending *-h₂a. It yielded *-ā̃ in Balto-Slavic, but, probably, *-ō in the Southern languages (Lat. quō “whither”, Gk. ἄνω “upwards”). This proposal finds support in the fossilized compound Lith. žmõgus/žmogùs “man” (< *dhg̑hm-oh₂a-gwh₂-u- “walking on the earth”), and in the o-stem ablative singular *-oHad > OLat. -ōd, Gk. dial. ϝοικ-ω, but Bl.-Sl. *-ā̃(d) (Lith. -o, OCS -a).
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