Since the 1960s archaeologists have been aware that the objects of their study (archaeological sites) are rapidly disappearing and that only a small portion of them can be documented by rescue ...archaeology (excavations). A different approach was needed to preserve archaeological sites, one that required communicating with an "outside world", influencing political and socioeconomic decision-making processes and obtaining public support. Consequently, in most Western countries the existing conservation model was gradually replaced by a more dynamic concept of archaeological heritage management in the context of spatial planning. That process began in the USA in the 1970s and a decade later in many European countries as well. Starting in the 1960s, many changes happened (inside and outside archaeology) that influenced the understanding of archaeological heritage conservation. A movement to protect the environment began, resulting in the recognition of the fact that the world's natural and cultural resources are at risk. In the archaeological science itself significant changes took place with the development of new archaeology (processual archaeology) in the USA which placed main emphasis on archaeological theory. The concept of archaeological heritage ('resource") management emerged as the consequence of these changes. Archaeological monuments, both movable and immovable, were no longer primarily seen as objects of study but as cultural resources that could be used in the present and in the future. The former concept of monument conservation and care was replaced by the concept of archaeological resource management. Management implies an overall context: political and social, environmental, thus the regional level as well, and the context of spatial planning. As Translated by: ZDENKA IVKOVCIC a result of numerous large-scale rescue excavations (prompted by large infrastructural projects) during the 1970s and 1980s, a wider understanding was gained that rescue excavations were in fact the consequence of a failure to include archaeology in decision-making and spatial planning processes. Contemporary conservation/management of archaeological heritage was primarily focused on obvious dangers to which archaeological heritage in the environment is exposed and therefore the connection and the need for cooperation between experts in charge of archaeological heritage management and spatial planners is particularly emphasized. In the early 1990s two international documents were adopted: Charter for the Protection and Management of Archaeological Heritage (1990) and the European Convention on the Protection of the Archaeological Heritage (Revised) (1992), establishing contemporary international attitudes and standards for archaeological heritage management with a particular emphasis on the need for protecting and conserving archaeological heritage in situ and avoiding archaeological excavations, replacing them by non-destructive survey methods. This paper examines the contemporary process of archaeological heritage/resource management (cultural resource management, archaeological heritage management, public archaeology), which comprises two levels. The first level includes inventory, primary evaluation and selection--a decision on conservation in situ or on rescue excavation of archaeological sites. The second level comprises management of archaeological sites (cultural goods) for which the decision on preservation in situ has been made and which consists of an analytical stage, a planning and design stage, a realization stage and a monitoring stage, and includes presentation and interpretation of the site, its use and enhancement. Both levels of management require a multidisciplinary approach to the issue. Involved in the second level, in addition to various experts, are other stakeholders such as owners, investors, local communities, etc., which too have an important influence on the process of conservation and management of archaeological heritage. Although excavation of archaeological heritage is inevitable, its presentation in situ should not be a goal in itself--it should be the object of a joint and carefully considered decision by key stakeholders in archaeological heritage management. A thoroughly excavated and published archaeological site is a better option than a site damaged by works considered necessary for its presentation. The second level of management calls for the development of a management plan for a specific archaeological site or an area in order to protect and conserve all of its established values. The main objective of preparing a management plan for an archaeological site is to ensure conservation of all of its values and cultural significance, and not meeting the needs of tourists, archaeologists or entrepreneurs, although their needs should be taken into account to a certain degree as well. The process of planning and developing an archaeological site management plan comprises several basic stages: 1) involving of various stakeholders in the planning process, 2) documenting the history of the site, 3) valorisation (significance assessment) of the site, 4) assessment of physical condition and management context, 5) setting objectives (management policy), 6) choosing management strategies, and 7) implementation, monitoring and re-evaluation of the process. At all stages, except documenting the history of the site, participation of urban and spatial planners as stakeholders in the management plan development is important.
In the focus of this research is the development and changes of the Renaissance gardens of the villas Bona-Caboga and Stay-Caboga, a rare example in the Dubrovnik area, where a garden embraces in ...terms of both style and period of construction two villas into a unique complex. The villas with the garden are located at Batahovina in Rijeka Dubrovacka, a narrow inlet only a few kilometres from the historic nucleus of the City of Dubrovnik. During the Dubrovnik Republic (1358-1806), the territory of Rijeka Dubrovacka proved ideal for cultivation due to the benefits of mild climate, fertile soil and abundant water resources. In the fourteenth and fifteenth century, simple buildings used for harvest storage were built in this area. From the end of the fifteenth, and notably in the sixteenth century, at the time of the Republic's economic prosperity, Ragusan nobility started building representative country complexes in Rijeka Dubrovacka, which initially served both farming and leisure. Some fifty of them were known to cluster along a five-kilometre stretch of Rijeka Dubrovacka. Their construction also reflected the trends that prevailed in the Renaissance Italy. Villas in the Dubrovnik area were usually located on the very coast and were protected by high stone walls. The complex consisted of a building and garden. The building had a typical L-ground plan. The garden bears all the Renaissance features--orthogonal system of main and side paths, some of which covered by a pergola. Water features in the form of a pool with sea water, wall fountains and cisterns. Sculptures are rare. This type of the Renaissance garden is known as Dubrovnik Renaissance garden as a typological synonym of the Renaissance garden. Until the end of the nineteenth century, the walled complexes were surrounded by farming land which, because of the steep slopes of Rijeka Dubrovacka, was laid out in terraces supported by dry-wall structures. The plot on which the villas Bona-Caboga and Stay-Caboga were constructed has been rearranged and rebuilt by a succession of owners. The paper traces the borders of the first estate on this location according to the Libro negro del Astarea, the second oldest cadastral register of the Dubrovnik Republic, which shows that the space where the two villas and their gardens were constructed was originally part of one whole. The first known villa on this site, villa Bona-Caboga, was constructed in the period 1520-1540. The second villa Stay-Caboga was constructed in the latter half of the sixteenth century. At that time each villa had its own garden space. On the basis of the available documents, archival data, Franciscan cadastral register from 1837., garden designs from the mid-twentieth century, numerous historical photographs from the end of the nineteenth and early twentieth century, but also field work, three historic layers of the garden have been identified: Renaissance layer, Romantic layer with the features of historicism, and the twentieth-century layer. According to the established criteria, the historic layers of the garden have been evaluated as a starting point for the renovation, revitalization and promotion of the villa and garden complex. Renaissance features are primarily discerned in the fact that the villa Bona-Caboga integrated into the landscape--up to the first floor it was dug into the terrain. Thus the first floor of the building had direct access to the back gardens by which the boundary between closed and open space was negated. The gardens were organized on three levels and became part of the house. The garden ground-plans are simple, resulting from the spatial characteristics. Both villas and their gardens stand on a very narrow coastal belt. The construction of the villa Bona-Caboga follows a typical Renaissance pattern in which the main path runs along the axis of the house, dividing the house and the garden into two approximately equal parts. The front of the house faced onto the main path flanked by rectangular garden patches. A single-axis garden design of the villa Stay-Caboga is completely independent of the interior layout of the house itself. The main path covered by the pergola follows the facade of the house until the border with the villa Bona-Caboga. The path is also the skeleton of the orthogonal pat tern which once included transversed garden patches, side paths, pond and cisterns. By the turn of the twentieth century, the villa gardens were physically reunited into a unique complex and thoroughly redesigned thanks to the zeal of the last owner of the two estates, Bernard Henrik Caboga. The reshaping included a significant deflection from the hitherto applied Renaissance pattern which, over the past centuries, remained a constant feature in most of Dubrovnik's country complexes. The changes in design reflected the current European trends where many public and private gardens were redesigned in the Romantic spirit under the influence of the English landscape style, with emphasis on the gardenesque style. The Renaissance path in the lower part of the garden was removed, and the main feature of the new arrangement was the organically shaped path bordered with exotic plants. The most valuable section of the Romantic layer is the upper part of the garden with a representative pathway, which provided a modern interpretation of Dubrovnik's traditional building samples. In the twentieth century, the villas and the garden witnessed decay and inadequate interventions. With the construction of the Adriatic Highway in 1963, half of the wing of the villa Stay-Caboga was demolished, and the route simply devoured a part of the garden onto which both villas faced. One of the main factors of the garden's preservation is the preservation of its identity, which implies coherence of the villas' gardens in a unique whole. Considering the results of the evaluation process, a need for the application of the reminiscent methods has been suggested with regard to the Renaissance and Romantic design in the lower part of the garden, bearing in mind the altered spatial relations which do not allow consistent reconstruction of any single layer. In the upper part of the garden, given the criteria of originality, preservation and value of the Romantic garden elements, the reconstruction method is imperative. According to the criteria stated, the proposed garden evaluation concept can serve as basis for the renovation of other villas in the Dubrovnik area.
Disintegration and transformation of bastion-type fortifications in European and Croatian towns resulted in some of the most significant examples of urban interventions of the 19th century. One of ...the most important roles of these interventions was to create new urban areas with a concentration of public spaces and public buildings as places of social interaction. The creation of spaces of socialization in the context of bastion-type fortifications' conversion was planned and carried out in the majority of towns regardless of their size or urban centrality which strongly implicates the existence of a unique urban planning model in the late 19th and early 20th century. The context of urban transformation of Zagreb and other Croatian cities, as well as of a number of cities in Europe and in the rest of the world, of which we have been witnesses in the last decade, shows the necessity of analyzing such processes, especially having in mind the strong pressure of private capital on the processes of urban development with a tendency to neglect or completely abandon public spaces as places of social interaction.
In the modern Winter Olympics, the landscape and territorial impact of sports facilities and infrastructures, especially the transportation network required to connect the host city with the mountain ...venues, is a major challenging issue, matter of concern to planners. Three case studies are compared from this viewpoint, to point out common and different problems, strategies and outcomes: Turin 2006, Sochi 2014 and the plan for Krakow 2022. REGIONAL PLANNING SPORTS FACILITIES TERRITORIAL IMPACT TRANSPORT INFRASTRUCTURES WINTER OLYMPICS U modernim Zimskim olimpijskim igrama utjecaj sportskih gradevina i infrastrukture na teritorij i krajolik, posebice prometne mreze potrebne za povezivanje grada domacina sa sportskim terenima u planinama, jedan je od glavnih izazovnih problema--pitanje od posebne vaznosti za planere. S planerskoga motrista analizirana su tri slucaja koja ukazuju na zajednicke i razlicite probleme, strategije i posljedice: Torino 2006., Soci 2014. i plan za Krakov 2022. PROSTORNO PLANIRANJE SPORTSKI OBJEKTI UTJECAJ NA TERITORIJ PROMETNE INFRASTRUKTURE ZIMSKE OLIMPIJSKE IGRE U clanku su prikazane tri studije slucaja regionalne strategije za Zimske olimpijske igre u Europi--Torino, Soci i Krakov. Prva dva plana provedena su 2006. i 2014. godine, a treci, koji je bio planiran za 2022. godinu, nece se ostvariti jer se Poljska povukla iz olimpijskog natjecaja nakon referenduma kojim su se gradani Krakova izjasnili protiv sudjelovanja. Usporedbeno su analizirani utjecaji sportskih gradevina i infrastrukture na teritorij, pozitivne i negativne posljedice za grad domacin i planinska podrucja, te ulogu prometne mreze koja povezuje grad sa sportskim terenima u planinama. Rad je rezultat znanstvenog projekta Urbanizam naslijeda / Heritage urbanism koji se provodi na Arhitektonskom fakultetu Sveucilista u Zagrebu, a u suradnji s Fakultetom arhitekture i dizajna Sveucilista Camerino u Italiji. Tri se regije usporeduju primjenjujuci metodu projekta, koja se sastoji od cetiri sastavnice: odredivanje cimbenika pejsaznog i prostornog identiteta, utvrdivanje postavljenih kriterija za zastitu krajolika i za izgradnju olimpijskih gradevina, prepoznavanje primijenjenih prostornih modela i strategije planiranja te analiza i vrjednovanje scenarija nakon Igara. Poslije Drugoga svjetskog rata Torino je bio najvazniji industrijski grad u Italiji. U kasnim 1980-im godinama industrijska i ekonomska kriza utjecala je na grad. Zato je Gradsko vijece pokrenulo projekte za revitalizaciju grada. Olimpijski projekt bio je sastavni dio te siroke strategije gradskog unaprjedenja, a imao je razlicite pozitivne ucinke, od kojih su najvazniji: prebacivanje Glavnoga kolodvora i zeljeznicke pruge u podzemlje te novo povezivanje dijelova grada koji su prije bili odvojeni, obnavljanje napustenih prostora grada i zavrsetak prve linije gradske podzemne zeljeznice. S druge strane, planinska podrucja nisu dobila toliko pozitivnih ucinaka. Iako je javni prijevoz radio vrlo dobro tijekom sportskoga dogadaja, zanemariva su poboljsanja u prometu nakon Igara jer je vecina mjera bila samo privremena, dok su neke goleme sportske gradevine utjecale negativno i na pejsaz i na opcinski proracun. Primjerice, skakaonica i staza za bob dovele su do velikih financijskih ulaganja za izgradnju i odrzavanje, a postale su nepotrebne i nezgrapne strukture zbog nedovoljnog koristenja nakon Igara. Gradevine su potpuno napustene jos prije isteka deset godina, tako da su njihove Opcine donijele odluku o zatvaranju, rastavljanju i vracanju na prethodno stanje okolisa, a to je skup, naporan i vrlo dug proces. Takoder, cetiri olimpijska sela naknadno su pretvorena u prevelike turisticke sklopove, sto je postojece tradicionalne smjestajne gradevine stavilo u financijski nezavidan polozaj. Ravnoteza zapadnih Alpa vrlo je delikatna, s obzirom na to da je krajolik kompleksan i visenamjenski: zemlja je podijeljena na male posjede, koristenje zemljista je razlicito, naselja su malena, vazna je prirodna bastina, a graditeljsko naslijede je jedinstveno. Takvi su krajolici rezultat duge povijesti teritorijalizacije, koja je proces opodrucivanja i preoblikovanja teritorija proveden putem ljudskoga rada. Unatoc nekim negativnim posljedicama, 20. Zimske olimpijske igre u Torinu bile su uglavnom uspjesne i dovoljno usmjerene i na zastitu okolisa. Prvi je put u Italiji bio primijenjen europski postupak Strateske procjene utjecaja na okolis, koji je sprijecio najgore utjecaje pa se regionalni plan poprilicno prilagodio krajoliku, iako su politicka i ekonomska pitanja prevladala u cjelokupnom vodenju projekta. Za razliku od Torina, gdje su se sportske arene nalazile u nekoliko dijelova grada, a planinska natjecanja odrzavala su se u razlicitim, medusobno vrlo udaljenim mjestima u Alpama, u ruskom Sociju sve je bilo koncentrirano na samo dva mjesta. Okolina zapadnoga Kavkaza i crnomorske obale, duz koje se odvija sirenje grada Socija, drukcija je od okolice Torina. Postupak teritorijalizacije poceo je kasnije i malo je utjecao na planine koje su zadrzale velik prirodni sadrzaj i vrijednost (prije Igara Soci je bio poznat samo kao ljetovaliste na moru jer ima pravu suptropsku klimu). Da bi se olimpijski park na obali dobro povezao s planinskim odredistima, potrebna je bila izgradnja velike infrastrukture. Takoder, sva olimpijska borilista izgradena su potpuno nova. Rezultat su bile najskuplje olimpijske igre svih vremena, koje su jako promijenile panoramu obale u zaljevu olimpijskog parka, doline rijeke Mzymte i okolice planinskog sela Krasnaja Poljana. Financijska ulaganja bila su tako golema da je regija sada prisiljena na rast, na stalno organiziranje velikih dogadaja i na privlacenje sto vise turista: iako ce Soci biti jedan od sjedista sljedecega Svjetskoga nogometnog prvenstva, a svake godine do 2020. odrzat ce se autoutrka Svjetskoga prvenstva Formule 1 oko olimpijskog parka, buducnost okolice Socija izgleda posve neizvjesna jer nedostaje jos uvijek minimalna baza stabilnih korisnika. Treci slucaj, plan za Krakov 2022., trebao je obuhvatiti cjelokupno podrucje Tatra, koje su najvise planine u Karpatima i prirodna granica izmedu Poljske i Slovacke. Bilo bi uistinu prvi put da se Zimske olimpijske igre odrze u dvjema drzavama (isto je bilo predlozeno za Torino jer se nekoliko sportskih gradevina nalazilo na drugoj strani Alpa, u Francuskoj kod Albertvillea, gdje su se Igre vec odrzale 1992. godine). Sportske gradevine u Krakovu bile su planirane u razlicitim dijelovima grada pa bi prostorni model i strategija planiranja bili vrlo slicni talijanskom slucaju, kao sto je slicna i struktura krajolika. Da bi se dobro procijenili cimbenici utjecaja na krajolik i modeli prostornog planiranja u prostoru odrzavanja Zimskih olimpijskih igara, treba jasno razlikovati prostorne zahvate u planinskim predjelima od onih u gradovima i njihovoj neposrednoj okolici. Potrebno je utvrditi cimbenike pejsaznog i prostornog identiteta pa s obzirom na to procijeniti posljedice planiranih zahvata. Prostorni su modeli Torina i Krakova rasprseni, kao i utjecaji olimpijske infrastukture na teritorij, dok je model Socija prilicno drukciji zbog krajnosti u smislu velicine i teritorijalne bipolarnosti Igara. U tom slucaju, posljedice sportskih objekata i prometnih gradevina evidentnije su i problematicnije pa ce biti puno teze njihovo odrzivo upravljanje u sljedecim godinama.
This paper deals with Zagreb's liturgical architecture of Modernism. Among many churches built in this style throughout the 20th century, some outstanding examples are selected for this research. ...They may be considered representative of the period which is usually seen as a turning point in the history of liturgical architecture. Modernism in particular called for a re-evaluation of the established paradigms and marked the beginning of a quest for a new authenticity both in liturgy itself and in liturgical architecture. MODERNISM RELIGIOUS-LITURGICAL ARCHITECTURE ZAGREB Clanak govori o sakralnoj, liturgijskoj arhitekturi Zagreba u razdoblju moderne. Iako je u tome stilskom razdoblju 20. stoljeca bio izgraden velik broj crkava, u clanku se analiziraju djela osobite arhitektonske izvrsnosti ostvarena u tome prijelomnom razdoblju za liturgijsku arhitekturu. Potraga za autentic-noscu obojit ce cijelo 20. stoljece, a razdoblje moderne oznacilo je pocetak preispitivanja ustaljenih paradigmi i pocetak potrage za novom autenticnoscu, kako liturgije tako i liturgijske arhitekture. MODERNA SAKRALNA-LITURGIJSKA ARHITEKTURA ZAGREB
Istraživani su tipovi pejsažnih površina prema namjeni (korištenju) i kriteriji za njihovo vrjednovanje. Na temelju dostupnih kartografskih izvora istraženo je 26 europskih gradova na području ...Mediterana i zapadne Europe. Utvrđeno je devet tipova pejsažnih površina i sedam kriterija za njihovo vrjednovanje. Prepoznata su tri postojeća modela korištenja pejsažnih površina unutar povijesnih jezgri gradova.
Perivojna arhitektura Obad Šćitaroci, Mladen; Bojanić Obad Šćitaroci, Bojana
Mjera,
12/2019, Letnik:
1, Številka:
2
Paper
Odprti dostop
Perivojna arhitektura nije puko uređenje javnih otvorenih površina u gradu, već se njome oblikuje i izgrađuje gradsko tkivo javne namjene – od ulica i trgova do gradskih perivoja, šetališta, parkova ...i perivojnih šuma. Ono što perivoj razlikuje od parka i vrta jest umjetnička i kreativna ambicija – perivoj je doslovno arhitektura u organskom materijalu.
Pauzanija je u 2. stoljeću napisao da se mjesta koja nemaju javne građevine ne mogu smatrati gradom. Tu misao možemo primijeniti i na javne perivoje u gradu, koji su čimbenik urbane kulture, u prostoru Hrvatske nazočne 25 stoljeća.
Tijekom 19. i 20. stoljeća u Hrvatskoj i Europi bili su planirani i izvedeni brojni i raznoliki tipovi javnih vanjskih prostora, posebice pejsažnih i perivojnih. Prošlost nam ne služi samo tome da bismo utvrdili kako je nekad bilo, već da u njoj prepoznamo trajna načela koja je moguće danas i ubuduće primijeniti, uz potrebno osuvremenjivanje i nadgradnju.
Percepcija je da je malo novih javnih pejsažnih površina izvedena u Hrvatskoj u zadnja tri desetljeća, a perivoja vrlo malo. Urbanističkim planovima predviđeni javni prostori se stalno smanjuju. Nešto više se obnavljaju povijesni zaštićeni perivoji, premda ne uvijek na zadovoljavajući način. Gradovi često žive na staroj slavi povijesnih trgova i povijesnih perivoja. Potrebno je poštivati i održavati nasljeđe, ali svako doba mora stvoriti novo da bi to novo u budućnosti moglo postati novo nasljeđe.
This article examines the urban features of the 20th century liturgical buildings in Zagreb on the basis of the previously established research criteria. This research is the result of field work, ...the analysis of the existing liturgical buildings in terms of their condition and their position on the Croatian base map. The research results show that the 20th century liturgical buildings in Zagreb ceased to play a role in the formation of the urban fabric as they did in the previous historical periods. In front of them public spaces of predominantly private character have been formed. LITURGICAL ARCHITECTURE URBANISM ZAGREB 20TH CENTURY Clanak govori o urbanistickim obiljezjima liturgijskih gradevina u Zagrebu u 20. stoljecu, a rezultat je istrazivanja provedenog prema prethodno postavljenim kriterijima. Istrazivanje je provedeno na temelju obilaska terena, analize zatecenog stanja i analize smjestaja liturgijskih gradevina na Hrvatskoj osnovnoj karti. Rezultati istrazivanja pokazuju da su liturgijske graoevine u 20. stoljecu u Zagrebu prestale biti gradotvorni element kakav su bile u prethodnim povijesnim razdobljima, te da se pred njima formiraju javni prostori dominantno privatnog karaktera. LITURGIJSKA ARHITEKTURA URBANIZAM ZAGREB 20. STOLJECE This article examines the urban features of the 20th century liturgical buildings in Zagreb. Based on some previously established criteria, it brings forward the results of a field research and the analysis of the existing liturgical buildings in terms of their condition and their position on the Croatian base map. Two criteria were laid down for the analysis of the urban features of the 20th century liturgical buildings in Zagreb. The first one refers to the urban accent in the urban fabric. i.e. a macro-urban aspect which helps to assess the role of the liturgical buildings in building up the image of the city and in highlighting a part of the urban fabric. The second criterion is based on the characteristics of the outdoor spaces in front of the liturgical buildings, i.e. a micro-urban aspect by means of which it is possible to analyze the formation of the public spaces in front of the liturgical buildings. The classification of the liturgical buildings is based on the first criterion. A thorough analysis of all liturgical buildings in Zagreb shows that their contribution to the image of the city and to the articulation of a particular part of urban fabric results from three fundamental components: their position in relation to the main streets, their position on topographically prominent sites, and their position within an impressive part of urban fabric. The liturgical buildings have been analyzed here according to the first criterion. Within this classification further analysis was carried out according to the second criterion which defines the character of the outdoor space in front of the liturgical buildings. The results of the analysis based on the previously established criteria reveals the urban features of the 20th century liturgical buildings in Zagreb. The results of this research confirm that, according to the first criterion, around one-third (34%) of the liturgical buildings built in Zagreb in the 20th century were built on the sites which gave prominence to a particular urban area and thus made a valuable contribution to the image of the city. The majority of these liturgical buildings are situated along the main streets (22%) while some are located on topographically prominent sites (8%) or form an integral part of the urban structures which themselves create the image of the city (4%). By contrast, the results point out the fact that the majority of liturgical buildings built in the 20th century (66%) did not give prominence to the urban area where they were built and thus failed to become a key element in building up the image of the city. Further analysis based on the second criterion indicates that only 42% of liturgical buildings feature an outdoor access of public character which may be subdivided into two types: strong public but poor private character which characterizes 27% of outdoor accesses, and public/private character typical of 15% of public outdoor accesses to liturgical buildings. There is no liturgical building of the 20th century with an access of strong public character as in the case of the access to St Mark's church or the Cathedral in the historic parts of the city. Those liturgical buildings with a dominant public character of the outdoor access were mainly built in the first half of the century when urban plans were typically based on a symbolic concept. By contrast, in the 20th century in Zagreb an outdoor access that is distinctly private has been formed in front of 48% liturgical buildings. The private character of such spaces is manifested as two types: 6% of liturgical buildings feature an outdoor access with a poor public but strong private character while 42% have an outdoor access of a very poor public but exceptionally strong private character. Liturgical buildings with a distinctly private character of their outdoor access were mainly built in the second half of the 20th century when urban plans were characterized by a functional or fragmentary urban-planning concept. 10% of liturgical buildings had no outdoor access. The results of this research confirm that the role of the liturgical buildings in the creation of the image of the city has considerably changed. This is the result of a changed perception of a city in the context of Croatian and 20th century European urbanism as exemplified here by the liturgical buildings of Zagreb. Liturgical buildings built in the early 20th century most commonly gave special prominence to a part of the urban fabric where they were built due to the fact that at the time the city was structured according to hierarchical symbolic significance and in line with the historical formation of the city. However, towards the end of the 20th century, some changes occurred in the perception of a city from an urban-planning perspective: the city started to be seen from a functional and fragmentary perspective. A comprehensive concept of a city vanished in order to be replaced by a functionalist approach. Liturgical buildings as well as other public buildings ceased to play a symbolic role in the fabric of a city. Therefore the majority of liturgical buildings of the period did not bring the urban area where they were built into prominence and thus failed to become a key component in building up the image of the city. Unlike the previous historical periods when liturgical buildings used to be the focus of urban design, most commonly with a square of public character in front of them, the results of this research give evidence of a changing role and significance of the 20th century liturgical buildings now featuring an outdoor space of private character. The squares of exceptionally strong public but poor private character typical of the previous historical periods, are absent throughout the 20th century in Zagreb. Urban outdoor spaces are now mostly characterized by private character.
Između 1859. i 1867., kada je otok Lokrum bio u vlasništvu austrijskoga nadvojvode i meksičkoga cara Maksimilijana Habsburga, ispred njegove rezidencije na otoku izvedeno je šetalište inspirirano ...španjolskim šetalištima, poznatim pod imenom alameda. Istraživanja se temelje na grafičkoj arhivskoj građi i autentičnim troškovnicima radova, koje je potpisao dvorski vrtlar Joseph Laube. Lokrumsko šetalište izvorna je Maksimilijanova zamisao.
ABSTRACT IN ENGLISH: The theme of this article are public parks in towns and spas in Croatia from the 18th century and up until WWI (until 1918). Due to its geographical location Croatia has always ...been under a dual cultural influence: Italian, from the southeast and across the Adriatic Sea, and from the northwest from Austria and Germany. The most significant public parks in Croatia are compared to similar parks in Europe. In comparison, public parks in adjacent regions have been chosen (Slovenia, Austria, Hungary, Italy), within countries of Central and Western Europe. Comparisons are conducted according to the time (year) of the establishment of the park. This comparison allows for monitoring of the appearance of parks and their further development within the same time periods and within different countries. // ABSTRACT IN SLOVENE: Tema clanka so javni mestni parki in sprehajalisca v mestih, turisticnih in zdraviliskih krajih na Hrvaskem od 18. stoletja do konca prve svetovne vojne (do 1918). Zaradi svojega geografskega polozaja se je na Hrvaskem od zmetaj obcutil dvojni kulturni vpliv: z jugozahoda je cez jadransko morje prihajal iz Italije, a s severozahoda iz Avstrije in Nemcije. Najbolj znacilni javni parki na Hrvaskem se primerjajo s podobnimi primeri v evropskih dezelah. Za primerjavo se izbirajo javni parki v okolici (Slovenija, Avstrija, Madzarska, Italija), v dezelah srednje in zahodne Evrope. Primerjava se primarno izvaja na podlagi kriterija casa (leta) nastanka pri cemer je opazovano obdobje, razdeljeno na casovne odseke, ki priblizno sovpadajo s stilskimi znacilnostmi tega obdobja. Primerjava omogoca spremljanje pojava parkov in njihovih nadaljnjih sprememb v istih casovnih obdobjih v razlicnih dezelah. Nove ideje o javnih prostorih krajinske arhitekture na Hrvaskem so vedno naletele na plodna tla. Veliko je posameznikov, ki so spodbujali napredne evropske ideje v kontekstu parkovne in urbane kulture, posebej ideje o javnih prostorih v mestu, ki so namenjeni vsem mescanom. Ideje o dvigovanju in urejanju javnih krajinskih prostorov v hrvaskih mestih so se rojevale najbolj pogosto istocasno, ali z majhno zamudo, kot v ostalih evropskih mestih. Za evropske prilike se nekateri javni parki na Hrvaskem pojavljajo zelo zgodaj, kot je Maksimir, ki so ga zaceli delati ze v 18. stoletju kot park, in ki je namenjen vsem mescanom Zagreba. Poleg zgodnjega nastanka Maksimir lahko povrsino primerjamo z najvecjimi in najbolj znanimi evropskimi parki - njegova povrsina je dvakrat vecja od londonskega Regen's Parka, a polovico je povrsine Bois de Boulogne v Parizu. Presenetljivo je, da je Zagreb lahko zgradil taksen javni park glede na to, da je sredi 19. stoletja imel samo 15 000 prebivalcev.
PDF
