This study examined whether Filipino mothers' and fathers' cultural values, namely individualism, collectivism and conformity values; are associated with parental warmth, rules/limit‐setting and ...expectations of family obligations; and child internalising and externalising behaviours. Children (n = 103; Mage = 10.52, SDage = .44) and their mothers (n = 100) and fathers (n = 79) from urban Metro Manila, Philippines, responded to self‐report measures orally or in writing. Mothers' collectivistic values, and fathers' individualistic and collectivistic values, were positively associated with expectations for children's familial obligations. Fathers' individualist values predicted lower internalising behaviours in children, whereas the valuing of conformity predicted greater paternal warmth. Future research on cultural values should unpack their dynamic meanings, processes and associations with parenting behaviours and child adjustment.
The dual systems model of adolescent risk‐taking portrays the period as one characterized by a combination of heightened sensation seeking and still‐maturing self‐regulation, but most tests of this ...model have been conducted in the United States or Western Europe. In the present study, these propositions are tested in an international sample of more than 5000 individuals between ages 10 and 30 years from 11 countries in Africa, Asia, Europe and the Americas, using a multi‐method test battery that includes both self‐report and performance‐based measures of both constructs. Consistent with the dual systems model, sensation seeking increased between preadolescence and late adolescence, peaked at age 19, and declined thereafter, whereas self‐regulation increased steadily from preadolescence into young adulthood, reaching a plateau between ages 23 and 26. Although there were some variations in the magnitude of the observed age trends, the developmental patterns were largely similar across countries.
Data from young people in 11 countries indicates that sensation seeking peaks around age 19, then declines during the twenties, whereas self‐regulation increases linearly from preadolescence into the early twenties, at which point it plateaus.
Age Patterns in Risk Taking Across the World Duell, Natasha; Steinberg, Laurence; Icenogle, Grace ...
Journal of youth and adolescence,
05/2018, Letnik:
47, Številka:
5
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Epidemiological data indicate that risk behaviors are among the leading causes of adolescent morbidity and mortality worldwide. Consistent with this, laboratory-based studies of age differences in ...risk behavior allude to a peak in adolescence, suggesting that adolescents demonstrate a heightened propensity, or inherent inclination, to take risks. Unlike epidemiological reports, studies of risk taking propensity have been limited to Western samples, leaving questions about the extent to which heightened risk taking propensity is an inherent or culturally constructed aspect of adolescence. In the present study, age patterns in risk-taking propensity (using two laboratory tasks: the Stoplight and the BART) and real-world risk taking (using self-reports of health and antisocial risk taking) were examined in a sample of 5227 individuals (50.7% female) ages 10–30 (
M
= 17.05 years, SD = 5.91) from 11 Western and non-Western countries (China, Colombia, Cyprus, India, Italy, Jordan, Kenya, the Philippines, Sweden, Thailand, and the US). Two hypotheses were tested: (1) risk taking follows an inverted-U pattern across age groups, peaking earlier on measures of risk taking propensity than on measures of real-world risk taking, and (2) age patterns in risk taking propensity are more consistent across countries than age patterns in real-world risk taking. Overall, risk taking followed the hypothesized inverted-U pattern across age groups, with health risk taking evincing the latest peak. Age patterns in risk taking propensity were more consistent across countries than age patterns in real-world risk taking. Results suggest that although the association between age and risk taking is sensitive to measurement and culture, around the world, risk taking is generally highest among late adolescents.
This study investigated child-reported family obligation values (FOVs) in early adolescence as a moderator for associations between mother-, father-, and child-reported parental psychological control ...(PC) in early adolescence and child-reported internalizing and externalizing symptoms in middle and late adolescents in the Philippines. Data were drawn from three waves of a larger longitudinal study, when the Filipino youth were in late elementary grades (age M = 12.04, SD = 0.58; N = 91), in junior high school (age M = 15.03, SD = 0.59; N = 80), and in senior high school (age M = 17.00, SD = 0.59, N = 75). Results revealed that high levels of FOV buffered the positive associations between mother-reported PC and internalizing symptoms in late adolescence, and between child-reported PC and internalizing symptoms in middle and late adolescence, as well as externalizing symptoms in late adolescence. Conversely, low levels of FOV exacerbated the associations between mother- and child-reported PC on externalizing symptoms in late adolescence. Findings suggest that FOV may shape the meaning and influence of PC for children and adolescents in contexts where familial obligations are normative and important.
We tested a model that childrenâs tendency to attribute hostile intent to others in response to provocation is a key psychological process that statistically accounts for individual differences in ...reactive aggressive behavior and that this mechanism contributes to global group differences in childrenâs chronic aggressive behavior problems. Participants were 1,299 children (mean age at year 1 = 8.3 y; 51% girls) from 12 diverse ecological-context groups in nine countries worldwide, followed across 4 y. In year 3, each child was presented with each of 10 hypothetical vignettes depicting an ambiguous provocation toward the child and was asked to attribute the likely intent of the provocateur (coded as benign or hostile) and to predict his or her own behavioral response (coded as nonaggression or reactive aggression). Mothers and children independently rated the childâs chronic aggressive behavior problems in years 2, 3, and 4. In every ecological group, in those situations in which a child attributed hostile intent to a peer, that child was more likely to report that he or she would respond with reactive aggression than in situations when that same child attributed benign intent. Across children, hostile attributional bias scores predicted higher mother- and child-rated chronic aggressive behavior problems, even controlling for prior aggression. Ecological group differences in the tendency for children to attribute hostile intent statistically accounted for a significant portion of group differences in chronic aggressive behavior problems. The findings suggest a psychological mechanism for group differences in aggressive behavior and point to potential interventions to reduce aggressive behavior.
Interpersonal conflict and violence occur within and between groups around the world. Although not proving causation, this study is significant because it suggests a key psychological mechanism in childrenâs chronic aggression that might be targeted for intervention: oneâs attribution that a peer is acting with hostile intent. When children attribute hostile intent to peers, they are more likely to predict they would react aggressively than when they attribute benign intent. Differences in this tendency statistically account for differences in future chronic aggressive behavior problems across children, as well as differences in chronic aggressive behavior problem rates across ecological-context groups. Identifying this mechanism could lead to novel interventions, education, and policies that reduce or prevent aggressive behavior.
This study used data from 12 cultural groups in 9 countries (China, Colombia, Italy, Jordan, Kenya, Philippines, Sweden, Thailand, and United States; N = 1,315) to investigate bidirectional ...associations between parental warmth and control, and child externalizing and internalizing behaviors. In addition, the extent to which these associations held across mothers and fathers and across cultures with differing normative levels of parent warmth and control were examined. Mothers, fathers, and children completed measures when children were ages 8 to 13. Multiple-group autoregressive cross-lagged structural equation models revealed that evocative child-driven effects of externalizing and internalizing behavior on warmth and control are ubiquitous across development, cultures, mothers, and fathers. Results also reveal that parenting effects on child externalizing and internalizing behaviors, though rarer than child effects, extend into adolescence when examined separately in mothers and fathers. Father-based parent effects were more frequent than mother effects. Most parent- and child-driven effects appear to emerge consistently across cultures. The rare culture-specific parenting effects suggested that occasionally the effects of parenting behaviors that run counter to cultural norms may be delayed in rendering their protective effect against deleterious child outcomes.
Safety is essential for life. To survive, humans and other animals have developed sets of psychological and physiological adaptations known as life history (LH) tradeoff strategies in response to ...various safety constraints. Evolutionarily selected LH strategies in turn regulate development and behavior to optimize survival under prevailing safety conditions. The present study tested LH hypotheses concerning safety based on a 6-year longitudinal sample of 1,245 adolescents and their parents from 9 countries. The results revealed that, invariant across countries, environmental harshness, and unpredictability (lack of safety) was negatively associated with slow LH behavioral profile, measured 2 years later, and slow LH behavioral profile was negatively and positively associated with externalizing behavior and academic performance, respectively, as measured an additional 2 years later. These results support the evolutionary conception that human development responds to environmental safety cues through LH regulation of social and learning behaviors.
Families from nine countries (N = 1,338) were interviewed annually seven times (Mage child = 7–15) to test specificity and commonality in parenting behaviors associated with child flourishing and ...moderation of associations by normativeness of parenting. Participants included 1,338 children (M = 8.59 years, SD = 0.68, range = 7–11 years; 50% girls), their mothers (N = 1,283, M = 37.04 years, SD = 6.51, range = 19–70 years), and their fathers (N = 1,170, M = 40.19 years, SD = 6.75, range = 22–76 years) at Wave 1 of 7 annual waves collected between 2008 and 2017. Families were recruited from 12 ethnocultural groups in nine countries including: Shanghai, China (n = 123); Medellín, Colombia (n = 108); Naples (n = 102) and Rome (n = 111), Italy; Zarqa, Jordan (n = 114); Kisumu, Kenya (n = 100); Manila, Philippines (n = 120); Trollhättan & Vänersborg, Sweden (n = 129); Chiang Mai, Thailand (n = 120); and Durham, NC, United States (n = 110 White, n = 102 Black, n = 99 Latinx). Intergenerational parenting (parenting passed from Generation 1 to Generation 2) demonstrated specificity. Children from cultures with above‐average G2 parent warmth experienced the most benefit from the intergenerational transmission of warmth, whereas children from cultures with below‐average G2 hostility, neglect, and rejection were best protected from deleterious intergenerational effects of parenting behaviors on flourishing. Single‐generation parenting (Generation 2 parenting directly associated with Generation 3 flourishing) demonstrated commonality. Parent warmth promoted, and parent hostility, neglect, and rejection impeded the development of child flourishing largely regardless of parenting norms.
Background
Studies of U.S. and European samples demonstrate that parental warmth and behavioral control predict child internalizing behaviors and vice versa. However, these patterns have not been ...researched in other cultures. This study investigates associations between parent warmth and control and three child‐reported internalizing behavior clusters to examine this question.
Methods
Data from 12 cultural groups in 9 countries were used to investigate prospective bidirectional associations between parental warmth and control, and three child‐reported internalizing behavior types: withdrawn/depressed, anxious/depressed, and somatic problems. Multiple‐group structural equation modeling was used to analyze associations in children followed from ages 8 to 12.
Results
Parent warmth and control effects were most pervasive on child‐reported withdrawn/depressed problems, somewhat pervasive on anxious/depressed problems and least pervasive on somatic problems. Additionally, parental warmth, as opposed to control, was more consistently associated with child‐reported internalizing problems across behavior clusters. Child internalizing behavior effects on parental warmth and control appeared ubiquitously across cultures, and behaviors, but were limited to ages 8–10. Most effects were pancultural, but culture‐specific effects emerged at ages 9–10 involving the associations between parent warmth and withdrawn/depressed and somatic behaviors.
Conclusions
Effects of parent warmth and control appear stronger on some types of child‐reported internalizing behaviors. Associations are especially strong with regard to parental warmth across cultures, and culture‐specific effects may be accounted for by cultural normativeness of parent warmth and child‐reported somatic symptoms. Child internalizing behavior effects on subsequent parenting are common across cultures.
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