Článek analyzuje vztah mezi dvěma jevy, a to rostoucí rozvodovostí bezdětných a podílem matek s jedním dítětem – jedináčkem. Testuje hypotézu, zda rozvod bezdětné ženy nemůže stát za jejím konečným ...rozhodnutím porodit jedno dítě. Hypotéza je opřena o předpoklad, že rozvod bezdětné ženy přeruší její reprodukční dráhu, zkrátí sociálně a biologicky dané plodné období ženy a zvýší tak pravděpodobnost porodu jedináčka. Analýza ukazuje, že rozvedené bezdětné ženy mnohem častěji nakonec porodí jedno dítě. Jejich podíl je však, i přes stoupající rozvodovost, velice nízký, a nemůže proto zásadně ovlivnit podíl jednodětných matek v populaci. Práce vychází z dat o porodech v České republice mezi roky 1993 až 2004.
Předchozí výzkum ukázal, že Česká republika jako postkomunistická země prošla v posledních letech rapidními změnami sociální struktury, jež doprovázel nárůst sociálních nerovností. Zajímají nás ...obecně rozšířené představy o chudobě a důvodech, proč jsou lidé chudí, a to jako důležitý kulturní faktor sociální politiky. Narážíme nicméně na nedostatek literatury, která se touto problematikou zaobírá. Analyzovali jsme proto datové soubory z Evropského výzkumu hodnot (z let 1991, 1999 a 2008). Zjistili jsme přitom, že obviňování chudých (blaming the poor) z lenosti a nedostatku vůle tvoří dominantní vysvětlení chudoby v České republice, která tímto dosahuje na nejvyšší příčku ze všech evropských zemí. Individuální osud, makrostruktura a societální příčiny jsou uváděny v daleko menším rozsahu. Obviňování chudých je spjato s politickou orientací a neváže se na žádné demografické charakteristiky našich respondentů. Toto komplexní rozložení názorů zůstává v letech 1991 až 2008 konstantní.
Surveys often reveal that the number of children people would like to have is greater than the number they actually have. This article examines the question of why people actually want children and ...bases its answers on data from the 2006 Value of Children Survey, which reintroduces the value of children concept from the 1970s. The battery of survey questions used identified six dimensions of the value of children (The positives of parenthood; Natural drives and goals; Tradition and social status; Social pressure; Limitations and losses; and Decision inhibitors). The respondents, young people between the ages of 28 and 34, see the main reasons for deciding to have children in the positive feelings associated with raising children and with successful parenthood as a natural part of life. They associate parenthood less with responses about social norms and pressure or with rational considerations about all the pros and cons of having children, and they see parenthood as their own, individual decision. A data analysis based on a multinomial logistic regression shows that declared attitudes to a limited extent influence the preferred number of children and that the Czech population is still dominated by the idea of the two-child family with two biological parents, while declared voluntary childlessness is still a marginal phenomenon. Reprinted by permission of the Institute of Sociology of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic
Surveys often reveal that the number of children people would like to have is greater than the number they actually have. This article examines the question of why people actually want children and ...bases its answers on data from the 2006 Value of Children Survey, which reintroduces the value of children concept from the 1970s. The battery of survey questions used identified six dimensions of the value of children (The positives of parenthood; Natural drives and goals; Tradition and social status; Social pressure; Limitations and losses; and Decision inhibitors). The respondents, young people between the ages of 28 and 34, see the main reasons for deciding to have children in the positive feelings associated with raising children and with successful parenthood as a natural part of life. They associate parenthood less with responses about social norms and pressure or with rational considerations about all the pros and cons of having children, and they see parenthood as their own, individual decision. A data analysis based on a multinomial logistic regression shows that declared attitudes to a limited extent infl uence the preferred number of children and that the Czech population is still dominated by the idea of the two-child family with two biological parents, while declared voluntary childlessness is still a marginal phenomenon.
Surveys often reveal that the number of children people would like to have is greater than the number they actually have. This article examines the question of why people actually want children and ...bases its answers on data from the 2006 Value of Children Survey, which reintroduces the value of children concept from the 1970s. The battery of survey questions used identified six dimensions of the value of children (The positives of parenthood; Natural drives and goals; Tradition and social status; Social pressure; Limitations and losses; and Decision inhibitors). The respondents, young people between the ages of 28 and 34, see the main reasons for deciding to have children in the positive feelings associated with raising children and with successful parenthood as a natural part of life. They associate parenthood less with responses about social norms and pressure or with rational considerations about all the pros and cons of having children, and they see parenthood as their own, individual decision. A data analysis based on a multinomial logistic regression shows that declared attitudes to a limited extent influence the preferred number of children and that the Czech population is still dominated by the idea of the two-child family with two biological parents, while declared voluntary childlessness is still a marginal phenomenon.
Článek analyzuje vztah mezi dvěma jevy, a to rostoucí rozvodovostí bezdětných a podílem matek s jedním dítětem – jedináčkem. Testuje hypotézu, zda rozvod bezdětné ženy nemůže stát za jejím konečným ...rozhodnutím porodit jedno dítě. Hypotéza je opřena o předpoklad, že rozvod bezdětné ženy přeruší její reprodukční dráhu, zkrátí sociálně a biologicky dané plodné období ženy a zvýší tak pravděpodobnost porodu jedináčka. Analýza ukazuje, že rozvedené bezdětné ženy mnohem častěji nakonec porodí jedno dítě. Jejich podíl je však, i přes stoupající rozvodovost, velice nízký, a nemůže proto zásadně ovlivnit podíl jednodětných matek v populaci. Práce vychází z dat o porodech v České republice mezi roky 1993 až 2004.
Předchozí výzkum ukázal, že Česká republika jako postkomunistická země prošla v posledních letech rapidními změnami sociální struktury, jež doprovázel nárůst sociálních nerovností. Zajímají nás ...obecně rozšířené představy o chudobě a důvodech, proč jsou lidé chudí, a to jako důležitý kulturní faktor sociální politiky. Narážíme nicméně na nedostatek literatury, která se touto problematikou zaobírá. Analyzovali jsme proto datové soubory z Evropského výzkumu hodnot (z let 1991, 1999 a 2008). Zjistili jsme přitom, že obviňování chudých (blaming the poor) z lenosti a nedostatku vůle tvoří dominantní vysvětlení chudoby v České republice, která tímto dosahuje na nejvyšší příčku ze všech evropských zemí. Individuální osud, makrostruktura a societální příčiny jsou uváděny v daleko menším rozsahu. Obviňování chudých je spjato s politickou orientací a neváže se na žádné demografické charakteristiky našich respondentů. Toto komplexní rozložení názorů zůstává v letech 1991 až 2008 konstantní.
This paper is focused on studying the relationship between the divorce rate of childless couples & the share of single-child mothers. We offer the hypothesis that there is a high probability that ...there are mothers with single children among women who gave birth to their first child after divorce. The hypothesis is based on the assumption that the divorce of a childless woman breaks her life's path, trims her reproductive period (which is defined socially & biologically, &, finally, increases the chances she will bear only one child. Data show that divorced childless women have only one child much more often than non-divorced women but the number of such women (despite the rising divorce rate among childless women) is low & can't affect the share of single-child mothers in the whole population. The analysis is based on vital statistics for the Czech Republic from 1993 to 2004. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.
Sociological theories that work with the concept of individualisation assume, among other things, the occurrence of changes in the life course and especially in the timing and incidence of ...demographic transitions. Although it is not easy to establish a firm definition of individualisation, most researchers studying demographic phenomena work with the concepts of differentiation and de-standardisation. Using more detailed data from the post-1989 transformation period, in addition to dispersion the authors also examine changes in the intervals between marriages and births and education as a factor in the observed phenomena. As a key indicator of life-course differentiation they use the dispersion in marriage timing and its trend over the 20th century, and as an indicator of the de-standardisation of life courses in the 1990s they use the interval between marriage and first-order births.
Sociological theories that work with the concept of individualisation assume, among other things, the occurrence of changes in the life course and especially in the timing and incidence of ...demographic transitions. Although it is not easy to establish a firm definition of individualisation, most researchers studying demographic phenomena work with the concepts of differentiation and de-standardisation. If we understand individualisation as a structural fact and leave aside its subjective component (individualised identity is not necessary linked to structural changes), it must initially emerge on the aggregate level in the form of the differentiation of life courses or the different timing of transitions. For example, individuals begin to marry and have children at different ages. It then becomes apparent at the individual level in the form of the de-standardisation of the life course, thus not just as a change in timing, but also as a change in the order and realisation of individual transitions. For example, the birth of a child does not necessarily occur after marriage. So it is not just shifts in timing that are of interest – these have already been sufficiently studied in Czech demography – but also and above all the comparative distributions of these demographic phenomena. In this article the analysis works with two life transitions – marriage and first-order births – and using time series from 1920 to 2004 the authors examine the dispersion in timing of these transitions over a large segment of the 20th century. Using more detailed data from the post-1989 transformation period, in addition to dispersion the authors also examine changes in the intervals between marriages and births and education as a factor in the observed phenomena. As a key indicator of life-course differentiation they use the dispersion in marriage timing and its trend over the 20th century, and as an indicator of the de-standardisation of life courses in the 1990s they use the interval between marriage and first-order births.
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