Prihvaćanje dvojnog državljanstva postalo je dio politike građanstva u većini država Europske unije. Dosadašnja istraživanja izvora i oblika tog fenomena usredotočivala su se na probleme međunarodnih ...migracija i politiku prema useljenicima u glavnim europskim useljeničkim državama, a mala se pozornost posvećivala drukčijim izvorima i tipovima. U prvom dijelu rada ispituju se izvori i tipovi dvojnog državljanstva te se uvodi razlikovanje “useljeničkog”, “iseljeničkog” i “transgraničnog” dvojnog državljanstva. U sljedeća tri dijela razmatra se pitanje dvojnog državljanstva u politikama građanstva šest država EU-a koje dopuštaju dvojno državljanstvo, a izražavaju specifičnosti navedenih tipova te se ispituje priroda razlika između nacionalnih politika unutar njih s obzirom na njihova ideološka uporišta, institucionalne oblike i političke funkcije. U analizi se pokazuje da postoje značajne razlike između tih tipova, osobito između “useljeničkog” i drugih dvaju tipova, ali i da politike “transgraničnog” dvojnog državljanstva imaju drukčije ideološko uporište i funkciju od naizgled sličnih politika “iseljeničkog” dvojnog državljanstva.
This paper compares the understandings of dual citizenship in citizenship policies of three EU member states – Sweden, Germany, and Croatia. They all share one important element: long-term ethnic ...understanding of the nation and the dominance of the ius sanguinis principle in determining citizenship rights. The analysis showed that these three states significantly differ in the attitude of their citizenship policies towards dual citizenship. Sweden has liberal, while German and Croatia have restrictive policies. At the same time German policy is shifting in the liberal direction, while Croatian maintained its restrictiveness. The citizenship policies depend on the dominant understanding of the nation, but their development is the product of political conflicts between political actors focused on their specific goals. Sweden followed the multicultural model with the social democratic politics of the welfare stare as a "home" for all its inhabitants, which led to the consensual acceptance of dual citizenship. Germany followed the assimilationist politics, which at the beginning denied the existence of immigrants, treating them as a temporary phenomenon ("guest" workers), but then it accepted the reality of their existence. Both states had their traditional understandings of the nation and the citizens, with the principle of ius sanguinis as the basis for citizenship rights, remodelled in accordance with the challenges faced by the political elite, and depending on the dominance of ideologically left or right political forces. Transformation of citizenship policies in Sweden and Germany can show us how they decided, despite the strength of the ethnic understanding of the nation, to move towards gradual acceptance of the understanding that the nation is based on its citizens, mostly under the influence of them becoming emigrant countries. In contrast, Croatia led inconsistent citizenship policy. In the 1990s Croatia introduced ethnically-based dual citizenship, which was partly constrained after the changes in 2011, but with simultaneous tightening of naturalization rights for foreigners. Croatia, thus, transformed its citizenship policy, albeit in the form of restrictive normalisation.
Predstavljanje etničkih manjina postalo je dio teorije demokracije i demokratskog predstavništva prihvaćanjem grupnog pluralizma kao realnog temelja demokracije, a socijalnog predstavništva kao ...prihvatljivog modela demokratskog predstavništva. Time je nastalo proturječje između socijalnog predstavništva koje zahtijeva da u predstavničkoj skupštini budu zastupljene sve relevantna skupine i dominantnog liberalnog shvaćanja u kojem predstavništvo nije mehanizam zaštite kolektivnih interesa, nego zaštite individualnih prava i osiguranja kompetentnog zakonodavnog tijela. U suvremenoj teoriji manjinskog predstavništva liberalna se shvaćanje nastoji reinterpretirati i dopuniti s elementima socijalnog predstavništva, te se tako oblikuju ideje i načela za razmatranje modela i politike manjinskog predstavništva. To je i polazište za kritičko ispitivanje hrvatskog modela političkog predstavljanja nacionalnih manjina.
The paper examines the history & contemporary position of political science in Croatia from the perspective of the relationship & influence between external factors & internal actors. The first part ...analyses the combination of external factors (in the first place, the nature of the political-ideological system & its changes) & internal actors (particularly the two leading groupings at the Faculty of Political Science -- the philosophers & jurists, as bearers of opposite approaches & conceptions), which determined the formative period of the development of political science. The second part of the paper examines two discontinuities in the development of political science (the first one emerged with the breakdown of the reformist movement in 1971/72, by which the formative period terminated & the period of reideologization & marginalization of the discipline & studies began, & the second one emerged with the collapse of socialism & the Yugoslav state in 1991/92, & with it the period of Marxist political science terminated & the development of political science as an autonomous discipline in a pluralist environment began), & shows a certain continuity which manifested itself in a permanent, if ununiform, process of increasing the independence of political science as an academic discipline & of its methodological modernization, as well as in the gradual prevalence of positivism. The third part points to the emergence of a political science ideology ("politologism") as a feature of the contemporary position of political science, & to some related tendencies (the marginalization of political theory, tendency toward exclusivism & closure). Adapted from the source document.
The paper examines the history and contemporary position of political science in Croatia from the perspective of the relationship and influence between external factors and internal actors. The first ...part analyses the combination of external factors (in the first place, the nature of the political-ideological system and its changes) and internal actors (particularly the two leading groupings at the Faculty of Political Science – the philosophers and jurists, as bearers of opposite approaches and conceptions), which determined the formative period of the development of political science. The second part of the paper examines two discontinuities in the development of political science (the first one emerged with the breakdown of the reformist movement in 1971/72, by which the formative period terminated and the period of reideologisation and marginalisation of the discipline and studies began, and the second one emerged with the collapse of socialism and the Yugoslav state in 1991/92, and with it the period of Marxist political science terminated and the development of political science as an autonomous discipline in a pluralist environment began), and shows a certain continuity which manifested itself in a permanent, if ununiform, process of increasing the independence of political science as an academic discipline and of its methodological modernisation, as well as in the gradual prevalence of positivism. The third part points to the emergence of a political science ideology (“politologism”) as a feature of the contemporary position of political science, and to some related tendencies (the marginalisation of political theory, tendency toward exclusivism and closure).
U ovom se radu uspoređuju shvaćanja dvojnog državljanstva u politikama građanstva triju država članica Europske unije – Švedske, Njemačke i Hrvatske – koje dijele jedan bitan zajednički element: ...dugotrajno etničko shvaćanje nacije i dominantno načelo ius sanguinis u određenju državljanstva. Međutim, te se tri države razlikuju prema odnosu prema dvojnom državljanstvu. Švedska se uvrštava u liberalnu
skupinu zemalja, a Njemačka i Hrvatska u restriktivnu, pri čemu i među njima postoje razlike jer se njemačka politika građanstva mijenjala u liberalnijem smjeru, dok je hrvatska ostala restriktivna i nekonzistentna. To se objašnjava ovisnošću politike građanstva o dominantnom shvaćanju nacije u nekoj zemlji te shvaćanjem procesa njezina
oblikovanja, kontinuiteta i promjene u njemu, kao ishoda političkih borbi dominantnih aktera za ostvarenje svojih političkih ciljeva.
This paper compares the understandings of dual citizenship in citizenship policies of three EU member states – Sweden, Germany, and Croatia. They all share one important element: long-term ethnic understanding of the nation and the dominance of the ius sanguinis principle in determining citizenship rights. The analysis showed that these three states significantly differ in the attitude of their citizenship policies towards dual citizenship. Sweden has liberal, while German
and Croatia have restrictive policies. At the same time German policy is shifting in the liberal direction, while Croatian maintained its restrictiveness. The citizenship policies depend on the dominant understanding of the nation, but their development is the product of political conflicts between political actors focused on their specific goals. Sweden followed the multicultural model with the social democratic politics of the welfare stare as a “home” for all its inhabitants, which
led to the consensual acceptance of dual citizenship. Germany followed the assimilationist politics, which at the beginning denied the existence of immigrants, treating them as a temporary phenomenon (“guest” workers), but then it accepted the reality of their existence. Both states had their traditional understandings of the nation and the citizens, with the principle of ius sanguinis as the basis for citizenship rights, remodelled in accordance with the challenges faced by the political elite, and depending on the dominance of ideologically left or right political forces. Transformation of citizenship policies in Sweden and Germany
can show us how they decided, despite the strength of the ethnic understanding of the nation, to move towards gradual acceptance of the understanding that the nation is based on its citizens, mostly under the influence of them becoming emigrant countries. In contrast, Croatia led inconsistent citizenship policy. In the 1990s Croatia introduced ethnically-based dual citizenship, which was partly constrained after the changes in 2011, but with simultaneous tightening of naturalization rights for foreigners. Croatia, thus, transformed its citizenship
policy, albeit in the form of restrictive normalisation.
By analysing Merton's contribution to the sociology of eponymy as an essential part of his sociology of science, this paper tries to point at the broader theoretical framework for examining the ...eponymy process in social sciences and indicate some special characteristics of this process in particular sciences. Merton has shown that as an important institutional mechanism of recognising scientific contributions eponymy is part of a stimulation system for science development and of the specific nature of property in science, since it gives a large and enduring institutional reward to scientists. This special nature of eponymy has been named by Merton with the eponym Mathew's Effect, which expresses the cumulative effect of recognising contribution to science and acquiring scientific property. This work is showing the possibilities of Merton's approach by analysing the eponymy in social sciences, where it is not only a reward to those who deserve it but also a social labeling and punishment. Moreover the work observes the particularities of eponymy in social sciences, the way of establishing social- -scientific eponyms and the forms of their social reception as well as significant differences among them in relation to the working of Mathew's Effect.
The article discusses the development of democracy in Croatia through the eponymisation of ideological changes in the period 1989-2005. Eponymisation as a process of development and introduction of ...eponyms (terms coined after the name of a person) is a signifi cant way of shaping professional terminology and an important institutional mechanism for the acknowledgment of credits and contributions. Eponymisation in politics and political science does not have the same character, pattern and eff ects as in other sciences and activities. It refl ects the ideological and political confl icts and the nature of a political system, and is not only a way of developing professional terminology and an institutional mechanism for the acknowledgment of credits and contributions, but also a process of social labeling. In this sense, the history of eponyms in Croatia can be related to some important moments in Croatian politics and history. The eponyms detitoisation, tudjmanism and detudjmanisation refer to the essential peculiarities of the political and social processes that have shaped Croatian politics and history in the period 1989-2005. The ideological change in Croatia 1989-2005, as a transition from the system of ideological monism to the system of ideological pluralism, was not uniform. It had three basic stages: the fi rst stage, 1989-1991, saw the abandonment of ideological monism and the establishment of a limited ideological pluralism; the second stage, 1992-1999, saw the authoritarian narrowing of ideological pluralism and the imposing of the ideological hegemony of the dominant political party; in the third stage, since 2000, a process of deideologisation of government machinery, expansion of ideological pluralism and ideological modernisation of major political parties has been in progress, but at present the said process is neither complete nor impervious to reverse development. The abovementioned three eponyms prove to be appropriate and are likely to be accepted as designations of the three stages of ideological change, and thus become permanent or complete eponyms.
Prikazi knjiga Botrić, Valerija; Veselinović, Velimir; Zgurić, Borna ...
Politička misao,
2014, Letnik:
LI, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
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