The last few years have seen an increase in handbooks – monographs that should by any standard aim to function as well-rounded state-of-the-art reports on all the various relevant aspects that ...constitute a particular specialized field of a given scientific discipline – that seem to represent a new generation of reference works, one not necessarily too engaging.
The etymology of the Slovene hydronym Soča (Standard Friulan Lusìnç, Italian Isonzo) was satisfactorily elucidated more than half a century ago. The overall idea that the river name goes back to a ...derivative of a Proto-Indo-European verbal root *H1eisH2- is undoubtedly correct (the exact meaning of the root in question has, however, not been sufficiently corroborated) but the details remain hopelessly obscure. Given the contemporary reflexes of the underlying name (viz. Friulan Lusìnç ~ dial. Lisùns etc.) and the sometimes conflicting or not at all easily reconcilable historical attestations (spanning nearly a millenium), no consensus can in fact be reached about the exact formal means involved in the derivation of the original deverbative formation – a fact which results from the overall inconvenience of sheer wealth of combinatorial possibilities that go hand in hand with the general ambiguity of the phonology more or less directly reflected by the later reflexes of the name. The present contribution is an attempt at unifying all the reliable data at our disposal into a coherent picture that would bring a satisfactory answer as to the exact phonological and morphological make-up of the pre-historic source (alongside with the reconstructed meaning) and its subsequent history as it passed through the various linguistic strata.
The article contributes to research methodology on fragmentary Old Celtic onomastic data. Based on a comprehensive overview of non-affixal formations in Old Celtic toponymy, special attention is paid ...to the systematic representation of various structural types in name derivation.
V članku je ponovno kritično pregledan odnos med praslovanskim leksemom *tȃtь in staroirskim leksemom táid. Pri tem se posameznojezično stanje poskuša umestiti v odnos do internega in eksternega ...gradiva.
Glede na stanje pri sigmatskem samostalniku srednjega spola *kreH2-es- v nekaterih glavnih historičnih indoevropskih jezikih (vedska stara indijščina, stara grščina) se na praindoevropsko stanje ...projicira proterokinetični akcentski model Jochema Schindlerja. Primerjava s prav tako podedovanim vzorcem, ki ga izkazujeta psl. *kr in stirs. crú, takšno domnevo potrjuje.
Osnovni namen članka je celostna predstavitev starofrizijske palatalizacije podedovanih velarov *k, *g in *γ, pri čemer se posebna pozornost posveča problematičnim mestom, ki izkazujejo njen ...izostanek.
The ancient name of the mountain (pass) that lies at the junction of the Julian and Dinaric Alps (nowadays Mt Nanos and the adjoining Razdrto Pass in southwestern Slovenia) is attested as Ocra in ...Latin (Pliny) and ῎Oκρα in Greek sources (Strabo, Ptolemy). The name is surely Italic and is argued to go back to Proto-Indo-European *H2ok̑reH2- (to *H2ek̑ - ‘to be/become/make sharp’). Given that an o-grade root is not expected in a deverbal adjective in -ro- (i.e. *H2ek̑-ró- ‘sharp’), such a formation is only interpretable as a substantivized feminine form of the possessive adjective *H2ok̑-r-ó- ‘sharp,’ derived from an acrostatic heteroclite neuter abstract noun *H2ók̑-r-/*H2ék̑-n- ‘sharpness.’ As such, Ocra ~ ῎Oκρα is the only unambiguous evidence for the existence of a deverbal abstract with o : e ablaut in Proto-Indo-European. In the addendum a brief etymological account is given of the place-name Acumincum ~ Acimincum from Pannonia Inferior, which likewise goes back ultimately to the PIE root *H2ek̑ -, arguing in favour of the Ptolemaic variant with Acu- (as opposed to Aci-) as the forma difficilior. The proposed etymology starts from PIE *H2ek̑-m̥n-o- > *akumno- ‘rock’ + *-enko- (*akumnenko- ‘rocky (place)’), from which *akumenko- > *akuminko- would then be produced by simple regressive dissimilation.
Prispevek obravnava sinhrone in diahrone danosti aktivnega (s stališča keltskega sistema pravilneje nedeponentniškega) perfektovega osebila za 3. osebo ednine korenov, izglasnih na zaporedje *°eH-, v ...celinski keltščini (galsko in lepontsko gradivo), in sicer na zgledih, ki razvoj problematičnih sekvenc *°-oHe izpričujejo neposredno (glagola pide. *dheH1- ʻpoložiti ʼ oz.*deH3- ʻdatiʼ), ter v sklopu glagola (i)e/our- ʻdodelitiʼ, ki terja ponoven premislek o svoji genezi.
The undoubtedly Gaulish personal name Loucita, attested in the Norico-Pannonian onomastic area, is particularly interesting from the point of view of its word formation. Unambiguous parallels for ...such a derivative are difficult to find in Celtic onomastic material, the only possible but very uncertain candidate being a Goidelic river name Ἀργίτα, recorded by Ptolemy. Outside of Celtic, the name of a Germanic seeress Vel(a)eda, if it goes back to *u̯elētā- (which is a probable but not the only possibility), is a potential case in point, which would then unavoidably imply that Loucita < *leu̯k-ēt-ā- must somehow be based on the oblique stem with a generalised length of the suffixal vowel (*leu̯k-ēt-) taken over from the nominative singular, where it was inherited. Since the category of lexicalised, synchronically unproductive dethematic *-et-stems in Celtic typically displays exactly that phenomenon, this etymological interpretation cannot be dismissed as ultimately improbable. Another reasonable possibility, however, would be to start from a feminine abstract *lou̯k-i-/*leu̯k-i- ‘brightness, lustre’ (itself based on the thematic possessive adjective *leu̯k-ó- by external derivation), to which Loucita could then represent a barbātus-type adjectival derivative *leu̯k-i-to- ‘having lustre,’ exactly parallel to the type seen in Indo-Iranian colour adjectives. It is argued that the latter type probably does not represent thematic possessives of t-abstracts to i-stem adjectives but, contrary to the communis opinion, rather goes back to to-possessives of i-stem abstracts. Under both analyses, however, the name is an important addition to the Proto-Indo-European type of derivative in *-ito-, so far unambiguously identified only within Indo-Iranian.
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