emJapan as a 'Normal Country'?/em is a thematic and geographically comparative discussion of the unique limitations of Japanese foreign and defence policy.
In an Indo-Pacific era characterized by a strategic clash between the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative, middle-power cooperation needs to be re-conceptualized. ...Traditional ASEAN-centered processes and institutions may be strengthened if not replaced by a new type of middle-power cooperation involving ＂external countries＂ to ASEAN such as Japan, Australia, India, and South Korea.
In an Indo-Pacific era characterized by a strategic clash between the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative, middle-power cooperation needs to be re-conceptualized. ...Traditional ASEAN-centered processes and institutions may be strengthened if not replaced by a new type of middle-power cooperation involving "external countries" to ASEAN such as Japan, Australia, India, and South Korea.
Encouraged by its success, he declared a "great victory" for the byungjin policy at a Workers' Party Central Committee meeting in April 2018 and indicated a strategic shift toward economic ...development.2 Kim has thus seemingly embarked on a long journey toward creating an international environment on and around the Korean Peninsula favorable for both regime security and economic prosperity. ...of this and other long-standing historical tensions, the Japanese government is suspicious of South Korea's reconciliatory moves toward North Korea. ...the Abe and Trump administrations, in contrast to the Moon administration, have been the key drivers of the maximum pressure strategy, and Abe has consistently sought Trump's support on the Japanese abductee issue/ In general, he is also engaged in a not-so-subtle effort to ensure that Trump does not make concessions easily on security-related issues, particularly regarding Japanese concerns about North Korean short- and medium-range missiles. Both sides shared the recognition that, providing economic co-operation after the normalization by the Japanese side to the DPRK side, including grant aids, long-term loans with low interest rates and such assistances as humanitarian assistance through international organizations, over a period of time deemed appropriate by both sides, and providing other loans and credits by such financial institutions as the Japan Bank for International Co-operation with a view to supporting private economic activities, would be consistent with the spirit of this Declaration, and decided that they would sincerely discuss the specific scales and contents of the economic co-operation in the normalization talks.6 In return, North Korea agreed to take measures regarding the abducted Japanese, maintain a moratorium on launching missiles, and resolve nuclear issues: "Both sides confirmed that, for an overall resolution of the nuclear issues on the Korean Peninsula, they would comply with all related international agreements.
Postwar Japan Green, Michael J; Cooper, Zack
2017
eBook
Japanese security, economic, institutional, and development policies have undergone a remarkable evolution in the 70 years since the end of World War II. Distinguished Japanese scholars reflect on ...the evolution of these policies and draw lessons for coming decades, spotlighting emerging Japanese thinking on key issues facing the U.S.-Japan alliance.
This book is a comprehensive study on Japan's postwar relations with China up until the end of the 1970s, i.e. prior to Deng Xiaopin's reform and open-door policies. The study is particularly strong ...on the detailed account of Japan's deep economic involvement with China initiated by a complex group of pro-China Japanese. This is an important aspect of continuity in Sino-Japanese relations for three decades despite several profound fluctuations in political relations, the 1972 diplomatic normalization among others. The study also stands out in analytically placing this unique aspect of the postwar history of Sino-Japanese relations in an overall political context of Japanese diplomacy, depicting its structure as a combination of compliance, autonomy, and independence policy courses.
In an Indo-Pacific era characterized by a strategic clash between the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative, middle-power cooperation needs to be re-conceptualized. ...Traditional ASEAN-centered processes and institutions may be strengthened if not replaced by a new type of middle-power cooperation involving “external countries” to ASEAN such as Japan, Australia, India, and South Korea.
The concept of ‘Japan as a normal country’ presupposes some ‘abnormalcy’ in postwar Japanese security policy. The context in which the concept initially was raised indicates that ‘abnormalcy’ had to ...do with Japan’s inadequate adjustment to the end of the Cold War in general and its inability to respond to the crisis leading to the Gulf War in 1990 and 1991 in particular. The Gulf War was the first test case for the international community to manage a major crisis after the end of the Cold War. Japan’s catastrophic failure to be part of multinational efforts to counter the invasion
