Heveliana 2011–2016 Targosz, Karolina
Prace Komisji Historii Nauki (Polska Akademia Umiejętności),
12/2017, Letnik:
16, Številka:
16(2017)
Journal Article
Recenzirano
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A number of publications devoted to Jan Heweliusz have been published between 2011 and 2016. On the occasion of the 400th anniversary of his birthday celebrated in 2011, four books have been ...published gathering the conferences and lectures, with a great deal of foreign authors presenting various aspects of the Gdańsk astronomer’s activities and achievements. In 2014, the publishing of Hevelius’s correspondence was initiated with the volume Prologomena.
This article critically discusses the mentioned publications, pointing out their advantages and shortcomings.
The preliminary study of the volume by Chantal Grell was also published in a Polish translation as a separate book. The author has indeed – more precisely than her predecessors – presented the years of Hevelius’s studies and the network of his correspondents, however overly emphasized his polemics with the French and English scholars. Her final conclusion, qualifying Hevelius as an amateur isolated from the leading currents of the seventeenth century, is contradictory to the evidence of his correspondence, which will be published over the next years.
Heveliana 2011–2016 Karolina Targosz
Studia historiae scientiarum,
12/2017, Letnik:
16
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
W latach 2011–2016 ukazało się sporo publikacji poświęconych Janowi Heweliuszowi. Z okazji czterechsetnej rocznicy jego urodzin, obchodzonych w 2011 r., zostały opublikowane cztery książki zbierające ...pokłosie konferencji i prelekcji, z dużym udziałem autorów zagranicznych, przedstawiających różne aspekty działalności i osiągnięć gdańskiego astronoma. W 2014 r. zainicjowano edycję korespondencji Heweliusza tomem Prologomenów. Artykuł omawia krytycznie wspomniane publikacje, wskazując ich zalety i braki. Wstępne studium tomu Prologomena Chantal Grell ukazało się także w tłumaczeniu na język polski jako osobna książka. Autorka dokładniej niż jej poprzednicy przedstawiła lata studiów Heweliusza i sieć jego korespondentów, zbytni nacisk kładąc jednak na polemiki z uczonymi francuskimi i angielskimi. Jej końcowa konkluzja, kwalifikująca Heweliusza jako amatora odizolowanego od głównych prądów w nauce XVII w., jest sprzeczna z wymową jego korespondencji, która będzie publikowana przez następne lata.
A new critical edition of a collection of nearly one hundred Latin prayers connected with Gertrude of Poland (ca 1025-1108), Polish princess, wife of Izaslav of Kiev, has revived an interest in this ...exceptional example of literature and religiousness o f the eleventh century. The multiplicity of issues connected with the prayer book requires further consideration. An example might be the iconographic concord of prayers both with the accompanying miniatures and the works of art, which Gertrude encountered in the west as well as in the east -from Rhineland, where she was educated to Ruthenia, where she stayed longest. The paper examines the issue in relation to the Marian subject matter. A problem that has not as yet been touched upon is the history o f the prayers in the centuries that followed, as a singular example from the 15th century regarding one such prayer reveals. The prayers are mostly theocentric and Christocentric in character, but in many of them the intercessive role of St. Mary is evoked. In Ruthenia Gertrude was exposed to representations of the Deesis type, characteristic of eastern Christianity. From the prince’s box in St. Sophia’s Cathedral in Kiev she saw them in a form of three tondi, situated on the arch encasing the central apse, while in the apse itself was a monumental depiction of St. Mary-Oranta, eternal and omnipotent advocate in heaven, referred to in prayers as “oratrix celorum”. Of the four prayers directed exclusively to Mary two are laudatory and supplicatory and the other two just laudatory. The latter are characterized by a sophisticated literary form, division into phrases, employment of internal and external rhymes and a number of rhetorical figures (alliteration, oxymorons). A solar epithet appears here among others (“sola pulcherrima super solem”). A lot of Marian epithets, such as the Mother of God, Our Lady and the Queen of the whole world (“Dei genitrix”, “domina et regina totius orbis”) find their equivalent in one of the five miniatures. In prayer no. 86 the praise refers not only to the significance of St. Mary as the Mother of God, but to her purely feminine and maternal functions and her role of a participant and witness to the life and passion of Christ. They find their equivalents in Marian and Christological artistic series of the time. One of them is a series of scenes on the wooden door of the church Sankta Maria im Kapitol in Cologne, made ca 1050. The church was rebuilt by abbotess Ida, one of Gertrude’s aunts, who also funded the door. In this church Gertrude’s mother, Richeza, was buried. Gertrude could see the door during her stay in Rhineland in the years 1075-1076. A number o f depictions are included in miniatures in the manuscripts from the Ottonian epoch, e.g. a Scripture-Book of abbotess Hitda of Meschede from ca 1020, with an Annunciation scene. Gertrude knew a different presentation o f this scene from monumental mosaics in Kiev. The maternity o f St. Mary was presented in many different types of the Nativity. An exceptionally extended depiction in the eastern spirit, including a reference to apocryphal texts, is shown in one o f the Codex’ miniatures. Prayer no. 86 in its Polish, slightly transformed version appeared after several centuries in the so-called Nawojka’s Prayer Book, which most probably belonged to Natalia Bninska, nee Koniecpolska (ca 1463-1531) in a manuscript from the end of the 15th century. The manuscript was lost and today is known from a copy made in the first half of the 19th century, including a copy of the old silver cover - a box from the 17th century. According to the inscription on the box it was supposed to be St. Jadwiga, Duchess of Silesia’s (ca 1178-1243) collection of prayers; a tradition which was immediately questioned. It seems, however, to possess a grain of truth. Gertrude’s Codex, having changed hands many a time, was presented to the chapter o f the Cividale del Friuli Cathedral in 1229, where it has been kept since. It was presented by St. Elizabeth, Princess o f Thuringia at the instigation of her uncle Berthold, patriarch o f Aquilea. Elizabeth was Jadwiga of Silesia’s niece and Berthold was her brother. If the prayer had not been copied at the time when Gertrude’s Codex was in Cracow (and it was there as many as three times), then it could have been Jadwiga’s relatives who had it copied. At an unspecified time it was translated from Latin into Polish for Jadwiga or for the next generations of women in Poland and the translation was transformed until the 15th century version was reached.
A new critical edition of a collection of nearly one hundred Latin prayers connected with Gertrude of Poland (ca 1025-1108), Polish princess, wife of Izaslav of Kiev, has revived an interest in this ...exceptional example of literature and religiousness o f the eleventh century. The multiplicity of issues connected with the prayer book requires further consideration. An example might be the iconographic concord of prayers both with the accompanying miniatures and the works of art, which Gertrude encountered in the west as well as in the east -from Rhineland, where she was educated to Ruthenia, where she stayed longest. The paper examines the issue in relation to the Marian subject matter. A problem that has not as yet been touched upon is the history o f the prayers in the centuries that followed, as a singular example from the 15th century regarding one such prayer reveals. The prayers are mostly theocentric and Christocentric in character, but in many of them the intercessive role of St. Mary is evoked. In Ruthenia Gertrude was exposed to representations of the Deesis type, characteristic of eastern Christianity. From the prince’s box in St. Sophia’s Cathedral in Kiev she saw them in a form of three tondi, situated on the arch encasing the central apse, while in the apse itself was a monumental depiction of St. Mary-Oranta, eternal and omnipotent advocate in heaven, referred to in prayers as “oratrix celorum”. Of the four prayers directed exclusively to Mary two are laudatory and supplicatory and the other two just laudatory. The latter are characterized by a sophisticated literary form, division into phrases, employment of internal and external rhymes and a number of rhetorical figures (alliteration, oxymorons). A solar epithet appears here among others (“sola pulcherrima super solem”). A lot of Marian epithets, such as the Mother of God, Our Lady and the Queen of the whole world (“Dei genitrix”, “domina et regina totius orbis”) find their equivalent in one of the five miniatures. In prayer no. 86 the praise refers not only to the significance of St. Mary as the Mother of God, but to her purely feminine and maternal functions and her role of a participant and witness to the life and passion of Christ. They find their equivalents in Marian and Christological artistic series of the time. One of them is a series of scenes on the wooden door of the church Sankta Maria im Kapitol in Cologne, made ca 1050. The church was rebuilt by abbotess Ida, one of Gertrude’s aunts, who also funded the door. In this church Gertrude’s mother, Richeza, was buried. Gertrude could see the door during her stay in Rhineland in the years 1075-1076. A number o f depictions are included in miniatures in the manuscripts from the Ottonian epoch, e.g. a Scripture-Book of abbotess Hitda of Meschede from ca 1020, with an Annunciation scene. Gertrude knew a different presentation o f this scene from monumental mosaics in Kiev. The maternity o f St. Mary was presented in many different types of the Nativity. An exceptionally extended depiction in the eastern spirit, including a reference to apocryphal texts, is shown in one o f the Codex’ miniatures. Prayer no. 86 in its Polish, slightly transformed version appeared after several centuries in the so-called Nawojka’s Prayer Book, which most probably belonged to Natalia Bninska, nee Koniecpolska (ca 1463-1531) in a manuscript from the end of the 15th century. The manuscript was lost and today is known from a copy made in the first half of the 19th century, including a copy of the old silver cover - a box from the 17th century. According to the inscription on the box it was supposed to be St. Jadwiga, Duchess of Silesia’s (ca 1178-1243) collection of prayers; a tradition which was immediately questioned. It seems, however, to possess a grain of truth. Gertrude’s Codex, having changed hands many a time, was presented to the chapter o f the Cividale del Friuli Cathedral in 1229, where it has been kept since. It was presented by St. Elizabeth, Princess o f Thuringia at the instigation of her uncle Berthold, patriarch o f Aquilea. Elizabeth was Jadwiga of Silesia’s niece and Berthold was her brother. If the prayer had not been copied at the time when Gertrude’s Codex was in Cracow (and it was there as many as three times), then it could have been Jadwiga’s relatives who had it copied. At an unspecified time it was translated from Latin into Polish for Jadwiga or for the next generations of women in Poland and the translation was transformed until the 15th century version was reached.
This article recounts theater events at the court of King John III Sobieski and Queen Maria Kazimiera. The author relies mainly on the writings and communications of the royal secretary Cosimo ...Brunetti, supplementing them with information provided by other associates of the court milieu. Based on these sources, the author has established that, in all likelihood, the French comedies staged at the Sobieski residence in Złoczów at the turn of April and May 1675 included Molière's Les Fourberies de Scapin (Scapin the Schemer). The comedy was certainly presented on 12 April 1676, as part of Sobieski’s coronation celebrations at the Wawel castle in Krakow, alongside Jean Racine’s Andromache (with Françoise Faidherbe as the heroine), and a ballet performance with the participation of the children of the royal couple. The author also managed to establish that on 24 June 1682, François Paulin Dalerac played the title role in Pierre Corneille’s Le Menteur (The Liar), staged at the Sobieski residence in Jaworów. The article also describes the visit of the singer Clementini, whose performance in Jaworów on 30 April 1684 accompanied a banquet in honor of the Spanish envoy Leopold Philip Montecuccoli, as well as the performances of French comedies and ballet held there on 10 July 1684, in the presence of the Venetian envoy Angelo Morosini and the nuncio Andrea Santa Croce. According to the author, on the latter occasion, the manor garden in Jaworów hosted Molière’s L’école des femmes (The School for Wives) and L'Amour Médecin (Dr. Cupid), comedies which had already been presented on 24 June that year. She emphasizes that the testimonies of plein-air shows in Jaworów suggest that a garden theater functioned in this royal residence; probably modelled on French theaters of this kind, it appears as the first such enterprise in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
La correspondance — toujours inédite — de l'astronome de Gdańsk, Hevelius, montre comment celui-ci chercha des mécènes et en trouva à la Cour de Pologne et à la Cour de France. On étudie ici plus ...particulièrement les relations d'Hevelius avec les savants français, avec Gaston d'Orléans, puis avec Colbert et Louis XIV. Hevelius dédia à Colbert son Prodromus cometicus et à Louis XIV sa Cometographia et sa Machinae coelestis Pars prior. Louis XIV lui attribua une pension de 1663 à 1671, puis un subside en 1679. The still unpublished correspondence of Hevelius, astronomer of Gdańsk, shows how he sought patrons and found them in the Courts of Poland and France. More specifically, the relations of Hevelius with French scientists, with Gaston d'Orléans and later with Colbert and Louis XIV are discussed. Hevelius dedicated his Cometographia to Colbert and his Machinae coelestis Pars prior to Louis XIV who awarded him a pension from 1663 to 1671 and later a grant in 1679.
Abstract
Aims
Endothelial dysfunction (ED) and red blood cell distribution width (RDW) are both prognostic factors in heart failure (HF), but the relationship between them is not clear. In this ...study, we used a unique mouse model of chronic HF driven by cardiomyocyte-specific overexpression of activated Gαq protein (Tgαq*44 mice) to characterize the relationship between the development of peripheral ED and the occurrence of structural nanomechanical and biochemical changes in red blood cells (RBCs).
Methods and results
Systemic ED was detected in vivo in 8-month-old Tgαq*44 mice, as evidenced by impaired acetylcholine-induced vasodilation in the aorta and increased endothelial permeability in the brachiocephalic artery. ED in the aorta was associated with impaired nitric oxide (NO) production in the aorta and diminished systemic NO bioavailability. ED in the aorta was also characterized by increased superoxide and eicosanoid production. In 4- to 6-month-old Tgαq*44 mice, RBC size and membrane composition displayed alterations that did not result in significant changes in their nanomechanical and functional properties. However, 8-month-old Tgαq*44 mice presented greatly accentuated structural and size changes and increased RBC stiffness. In 12-month-old Tgαq*44 mice, the erythropathy was featured by severely altered RBC shape and elasticity, increased RDW, impaired RBC deformability, and increased oxidative stress (gluthatione (GSH)/glutathione disulfide (GSSG) ratio). Moreover, RBCs taken from 12-month-old Tgαq*44 mice, but not from 12-month-old FVB mice, coincubated with aortic rings from FVB mice, induced impaired endothelium-dependent vasodilation and this effect was partially reversed by an arginase inhibitor 2(S)-amino-6-boronohexanoic acid.
Conclusion
In the Tgαq*44 murine model of HF, systemic ED accelerates erythropathy and, conversely, erythropathy may contribute to ED. These results suggest that erythropathy may be regarded as a marker and a mediator of systemic ED in HF. RBC arginase and possibly other RBC-mediated mechanisms may represent novel therapeutic targets for systemic ED in HF.
Graphical abstract
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