The article shows basic characteristics of participative democracy. First part is devoted to its theoretical foundations that are derived from its criticism of liberalism and parliamentary democracy. ...Using the case study of Germany the article explores how this model functions in the context of industrial companies. In the next part the article discusses the new system of participatory decision-making on city budgeting in Brazil. In the last part the author explores the relationship between contemporary modes of communication and principles of participatory democracy, and criticism that this model of democracy faces.
U tekstu se pomoću teorije nacionalizma analiziraju temeljne ideje konzervativne revolucije. To se čini rekonstrukcijom osnovnih teza političke misli Thomasa Manna, Arthura Moellera van den Brucka, ...Ernsta Jüngera, Oswalda Spenglerai Carla Schmitta. Analizira se način na koji se tumačio odnos jezika i nacije, rata i nacije, liberalizma i nacije, te odnos nacije spram Zapada. Pokazalo se da se smatralo da se u jeziku zrcali duh nacije, da se rat smatrao temeljem nacionalnog identiteta, da se liberalizam smatrao glavnim idejnim neprijateljem njemačkog nacionalnog identiteta te da se odbacivao Zapad, a hvalili Rusija i Dostojevski. Zaključeno je da su osnovu ideologije konzervativne revolucije činili njemački nacionalizam i odbacivanje liberalizma. Istaknuto je da su konzervativni revolucionari zagovarali diktaturu, ali ne i povratak na stari režim monarhije, nego autoritarnu konzervativnu utopiju. Utopijske značajke konzervativne revolucije i danas čine njezine ideje privlačnima radikalnoj desnici.
The text uses the theory of nationalism to analyse the basic ideas of the conservative revolution. This is done through the reconstruction of the basic theses of the political thought of Thomas Mann, Arthur Moeller van den Bruck, Ernst Jünger, Oswald Spengler, and Carl Schmitt. The analysis is focused on the way in which the relationship between language and nation, war and nation, liberalism and nation, and the nation’s relationship with the West were interpreted. It can be concluded that language was considered to reflect the spirit of the nation, that war was considered as the foundation of national identity, that liberalism was considered to be the main ideological enemy of German national identity, and that the West was rejected while Russia and Dostoevsky were praised. According to this analysis, it can be stated that the German nationalism and the rejection of liberalism were the basis of the ideology of the conservative revolution. Finally, it can be pointed out that though conservative revolutionaries advocated dictatorship, they didn’t advocate a return to the old regime of the monarchy, but an authoritarian conservative utopia. Precisely because of the utopian features of the conservative revolution, its ideas are still appealing to the radical right.
The aim of the article is to examine the relationship between the state, democracy and the Carl
Schimitt’s concept of the political. That is going to be
done by reconstructing the concepts of ...Schmitt’s political theory and finding out whether they can be used
to explain the ideology of the new right-wing populism
and illiberal democracy. As it turns out, the Schmitt’s
reduction of the political to the friend/enemy antagonism makes the core of the illiberal democracies’ ruling
narrative. The Schimtt’s understanding of the political doesn’t defend the state as a political space but by
cancelling of the liberal elements of democracy ruins
the state institutions. The analysis shows that Schmitt’s
notion of the political cannot be used to build effective
democratic state institutions. Namely, in his definition
of the political, politics actually exists only on the outwards, towards some other nation, some other political
unity, but not within the state itself.
Keywords: state, the political, Carl Schmitt, illiberal
democracy
This article analyzes the image of the enemy firmly held by the Croatian Right and the consequences of this image for democratic political institutions in Croatia. The first part of the text ...reconstructs a) the public discourse of the former HDZ leader, Tomislav Karamarko, as well as b) the public discourse of the Catholic Church. With the help of theories of cultural trauma, as well as discourse analysis, the second part of the article demonstrates how the Croatian Right in fact interprets any kind of liberal attitude as a specific communist one. In that sense the proposed thesis is that in its campaign against imaginary communists the Croatian Right actually tries to oppose liberalism itself. In other words, this paper tries to answer the question, why the Croatian Right does not name its real enemy - liberalism, instead of repeating the buzzwords about the spectres of communism? The third part of the article analyses Chantal Mouffe's theory of agonistic democracy, arguing its limits in the context of post-communist states. This paper shows that in deeply divided societies like Croatia the reduction of politics on the friend-enemy relation endangers the main liberal values of democracy.
U ovom se članku, na primjeru odnosa prema Oktobarskoj revoluciji, analiziraju stranačke politike povijesti u današnjoj Rusiji. Najprije će se prikazati službena Putinova politika povijesti, odnosno ...politika povijesti Jedinstvene Rusije, zatim sovjetsko-nostalgična pozicija Komunističke stranke Ruske Federacije te napokon imperijalno-konzervativna interpretacija Aleksandra Solženjicina, Ruske pravoslavne crkve i radikalno-desne Liberalno-demokratske stranke Rusije. Analiza je pokazala da se raspadom Sovjetskog Saveza raspao i njegov utemeljiteljski mit - Oktobarska revolucija više nema tu funkciju, nego se tumači s obzirom na stranačku politiku. Politika povijesti Putinove Jedinstvene Rusije utemeljena je na ideji nacionalnog pomirenja, pa carističku i boljševičku povijest tumači kao izraz ruskog patriotizma. Prema toj interpretaciji, i crveni i bijeli bili su patrioti koji su nastojali izgraditi snažnu rusku državu. Komunističko, sovjetsko-nostalgično tumačenje naglašava da se pobjeda SSSR-a u Drugome svjetskom ratu može zahvaliti političkom poretku oblikovanom Oktobarskom revolucijom. U imperijalno-konzervativnom tumačenju Oktobarska revolucija je pak najveća duhovna katastrofa u ruskoj povijesti, kojom je srušena Rusija i njezin duhovni temelj, pravoslavlje. Analiza je pokazala da je Oktobarska revolucija u ruskoj javnosti postala sporedan dogaðaj koji slave isključivo komunisti. Putinova politika povijesti oblikovala je novi utemeljiteljski mit ruske države, pobjedu u Drugome svjetskom ratu.
The Croatian Democratic Union (Hrvatska demokratska zajednica, HDZ) has won yet another election in Croatia. After the success it had on the European and presidential elections, the so-called ...„Patriotic Coalition“, led by the aforementioned party has won 59 out of 151 seats in the Parliament. Theiropponents, a slightly-altered version of the current leading coalition led by the leftist Social Democratic Party (Socijaldemokratska partija Hrvatske, SDP), won 56 seats. However, the results are far from final. According to the Croatian Constitution, the party that would be given the mandate to form a government has to assure the support of 76 seats in the Parliament. So far, none of the new major parties has succeeded in that task.
This article analyzes the image of the enemy firmly held by the Croatian Right and the consequences of this image for democratic political institutions in Croatia. The first part of the text ...reconstructs a) the public discourse of the former HDZ leader, Tomislav Karamarko, as well as b) the public discourse of the Catholic Church. With the help of theories of cultural trauma, as well as discourse analysis, the second part of the article demonstrates how the Croatian Right in fact interprets any kind of liberal attitude as a specific communist one. In that sense the proposed thesis is that in its campaign against imaginary communists the Croatian Right actually tries to oppose liberalism itself. In other words, this paper tries to answer the question, why the Croatian Right does not name its real enemy – liberalism, instead of repeating the buzzwords about the spectres of communism? The third part of the article analyses Chantal Mouffe’s theory of agonistic democracy, arguing its limits in the context of post-communist states. This paper shows that in deeply divided societies like Croatia the reduction of politics on the friend-enemy relation endangers the main liberal values of democracy.
U tekstu se pomocu komparativne metode povijesti politickih ideja analiziraju osnovne znacajke hrvatskoga i madarskoga konzervativizma, pokazujuci njihove razlike i slicnosti. Rekonstruirane su ...osnovne znacajke glavnih nositelja konzervativne ideologije, onovremena konzervativna elita, zatim stav konzervativne ideologije prema demokraciji, uspostavljanje konzervativnoga poretka i nacin njegova funkcioniranja te na kraju njegov slom. Pokazuje se kako su fasisticki pokret Strelasti krizevi u madarskom slucaju i ustaski fasisticki pokret u hrvatskom srusili konzervativni poredak. Na kraju teksta istaknute su osnovne razlike izmedu konzervativne i fasisticke ideologije.//In this text the comparative method of the history of political ideas has been used to analyse the main features of the Croatian and the Hungarian conservativism, by pointing out their differences and similarities. The basic characteristics of the main pillars of conservative ideology, the conservative elite of that time, the attitude of conservative ideology to democracy, the establishment of the conservative order and the manner of its functioning, and finally its downfall were all reconstructed. It was pointed out that the fascist movements of the Arrow Cross in the case of Hungary, and the Ustasha fascist movement in the case of Croatia, had overthrown the conservative order. At the end of the paper the focus has been put on the basic differences between conservative and fascist ideology.web URL: http://hrcak.srce.hr/index.php?show=clanak&id_clanak_ jezik=2 22140
Zatekla nas je tužna vijest da je 28. veljače 2015. u 72. godini umro Holm Sundhaussen, jedan od najvećih svjetskih stručnjaka za Jugoistočnu Europu i član uredništva Anala Hrvatskoga politološkog ...društva. Bila nam je velika čast surađivati s uvijek susretljivim profesorom Sundhaussenom. Profesor je svojim britkim kritikama i dobronamjernim savjetima uvelike doprinosio radu našeg uredništva. Holm Sundhaussen je od 1988. godine pa sve do svojeg emeritiranja 2007. godine, bio profesor povijesti Jugoistočne Europe na Institutu za Istočnu Europu Slobodnoga sveučilišta Berlin, a od 1998. do 2009. godine kodirektor Centra za komparativnu povijest Europe koje su osnovali Slobodno sveučilište Berlin i Humboltovo sveučilište u Berlinu.
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