Slavic *tъrgъ, Old Church Slavonic trъgъ, preserved in the modern Slavic languages as well, has had an impressive distribution in both vocabulary and place‑names, to note just Bulg. Tărgovište (also ...an important archaeological site), Rom. Târgoviște, also spelled Tîrgoviște (the political centre of Wallachia for some time, approx. 80 kms north-west from Bucharest) and as far as Finnish Turku (gen. Turun). See also the discussion regarding the Polish place-name Toruń. The origin has been debated, but it cannot be analysed independently from ancient Illyrian town of Tergitio, later Tergeste, the precursors of modern Slovene Trst, Italian Trieste. The ultimate origin has been looked for even in remote areas like Sumer, e.g. Václav Machek, who quotes Assyro-Babylonian tamgaru ‘trader’, in fact following a suggestion of the orientalist Bedřich Hrozný, the decipherer of Hittite (he published the study in August 1915). The author assumes that the origin of the word must be accepted as ‘Balkanic’ or, in a perhaps better phrasing, as a common Illyrian and Thracian ‘technical term’ referring to trade and commerce. Its spread from south to north is entirely normal, following the spread of economic relations from the Roman, then the Byzantine world northwards at a date difficult to determine, but definitely prior to the Slavic expansion, i.e. before the 6th century C.E. It is unlikely that we have to do here an Oriental term. If indeed that were so, the term should have spread first to Classical Greek, then should have migrated northwards at an earlier date. It is rather likely that we have here a ‘Mediterranean’, perhaps even a Pre-Indo-European term, in Machek’s terminology, ‘praevropský původ’ (of Old European origin).
In editing Old Church Slavonic (hereafter OCS) texts there are several issues to be solved. The first refers to the former use of non-standard, non-unicode fonts, which consisted of replacing the ...Latin characters by the specific OCS characters. This means such a text cannot be displayed if that specific font, often of bad quality, is not installed. The solution seems simple enough: a script, which behaves like a find-replace sequence. After such a replacement, the old font is replaced by a new, good quality font, e.g. Dilyana or Method Std. The second issue refers to the keyboard layouts (hereafter keylayouts), as the current keylayouts installed with both Windows and OS X do not allow to type all the specific OCS chars. The solution is a dedicated keylayout, for both Cyrillic and Glagolitic, for OS X and Windows. Using a find-replace sequence also allows to automatically convert Cyrillic to Glagolitic, and vice-versa. The presentation aims at clarifying some practical aspects, and to show how the author has solved such issues.
The paper resumes a topic the author approached in severa instances beginning with 1987: some specific terms referring to the semantic sphere Herrscherschafi. In Romanian, ban, jupîn, stăpîn and ...probably also cioban reflect the indigenous Thracian substratum; these forms also reflect the archaic Indo-European Herrschersujfzx -n-. In Slavic, their equivalent forms ban, župan and stopan reflect either a Late Thracian or (Proto-)Romanian influence. Equally Rom. vătaf reflects the substratum influence, whereas Slavic vatah, vatak, vataš reflects the same borrowing. On the other hand, Slavic gospodƄ, belongs to the archaic Proto-Slavic core elements, while cěsaŕƄ, reflect a Germanic influence. Finally, Rom. boier is an East-Romance innovation derived from bou 'ox' and initially meant 'owner of cattle = rich man', a traditional association between cattle-owners and richness. The word had a large distribution from the early Middle Ages until late in the 20th century.In a paper written some 15 years ago (Paliga 1987, in Linguistica, Ljubljana) 1 dared suggest that a series of Romanian and Slavic terms referring to social and political organisation, specifically ban (1) 'master, local leader' and (2) 'coin, money' (2nd sense derived from the lst one),jupîn (formerly giupîn) 'a master', 'a master, a lord', cioban 'a shepherd', rather reflect a compact etymological group of Pre-Romance and Pre-Slavic origin (including cioban, incorrectly considered a Turkish influence, seemingly starting from the erroneous, but largely spread hypothesis that intervocalic -b- in Romanian would rather suggest a newer origin 1 ). To these, on another occasion, I added the form vătaf,vătah (also with parallels in some Slavic languages, Paliga 1996: 34-36) and on another occasion 1 analysed the form boier, also spread in many neighbouring languages, which has often been considered either of unknown origin or again of Turkic (not Turkish, i.e. Ottoman) origin (Paliga 1990; see also our main studies gathered together in a single volume, Paliga 1999).
The paper analyses the most relevant situations in the case of the Thracian, occasionally Illyrian, place names and their persistence until now, mainly in the modern territories of Bulgaria and ...Romania, as well in the adjacent areas. The focus is on the Romanian and Bulgarian place names, the origin of which may be labelled as ‘substratum origin’. The paper also tries to locate approximate areas with different phonetic treatment in the final phases of Thracian, why we are not allowed to postulate ‘several Thracian languages’, and why the data suggest a close relationship between Thracian and Illyrian, rather than divergence. The available data lead to the general conclusion of a vast area of closely related satem idioms—Thracian and Illyrian— with quite clear relations with the Baltic (or Balto-Slavic) and Iranic (or Indo-Iranic) linguistic groups. Not at all rarely, some form suggest a very old, Pre-Indo-European origin, which is in full accordance with the archaeological discoveries, which reveal rich, wonderful cultures and civilisations emerging in the early Neolithic period in the Fertile Crescent, then migrating towards southeast Europe, then north towards the Carpathian basin. The Thracians and the Illyrians, together with the Greeks and the Hittites, were expressions of a cultural mix between the local, indigenous populations and the new comers—the Indo-Europeans. Many place names do support this reconstruction.
Autorul reia cu noi date un studiu recent (Paliga 2015), pornind de la mult citatul fragment din Anonymus, Gesta Hungarorum; într-adevăr, muitl citat dar, din păcate, eronat tradus de mulți autori, ...români și maghiari. Numele etnic Vlachъ, în latina postclasică și medievală Blachus, pl. Blachi, de asemenea Blasi a avut conotații variabile. Sensul de bază a fost „(orice) grup etnic romanizat”, ulterior s-a referit, cel mai adesea, fie la italieni, fie la români. În textul lui Anonymus însă, în cazul menționat, se referă – fără doar și poate – la populația romanizată din Pannonia (cultura arheologică Keszthely). În alte părți, textul se referă într-adevăr la români (pastores Romanorum and Blasi).
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