La primera experiencia radical en la provincia de Buenos Aires se caracterizó por ser traumática debido al enfrentamiento que se produjo entre el Presidente de la república, Hipólito Yrigoyen, y el ...Gobernador José Camilo Crotto. Los conflictos internos entre las facciones intrapartidarias se trasladaron a los municipios de la provincia, y este artículo se detiene particularmente en el de La Matanza. El objetivo es indagar en la organización y la dinámica interna de la Unión Cívica Radical y el Partido Conservador Bonaerense y su impacto en el gobierno local. Se utilizaron fuentes hemerográficas de la ciudad de Buenos Aires, como La Prensa, La Nación, La Época, y también de la ciudad de La Plata, como El Argentino; documentos provinciales como el Registro Oficial de la Provincia de Buenos Aires y repositorios legislativos. Los resultados muestran que que ambas facciones en La Matanza utilizaron una serie de prácticas políticas que resultaron en la imposibilidad de formar un gobierno local legalmente constituido y legitimado por su origen.
Abstract
We investigate the link between the 1918 Great Influenza and regional economic growth in Italy, a country in which the measures implemented by public authorities to contain the contagion ...were limited or ineffective. The pandemic caused 600,000 deaths in Italy: 1.2% of the population. Going from regions with the lowest mortality to those with the highest mortality is associated to a decline in per capita GDP growth of 6.5%, which dissipated within 3 years. Our estimates provide an upper bound of the adverse effect of pandemics on regional economic growth in the absence of non-pharmaceutical public-health interventions.
Source Materials for the History of the Lemko Region in the Years 1917‑1921: Current State of Knowing, Directions of Research, Documentation AnnexAt the beginning of the 20th century, the Lemko ...region was culturally active and documented its existence in writing, but the spoken word still played a major role in the social life. The course of history – even in such turbulent years as those between 1918 and 1921 – remained mainly in human memory. The generation of Lemkos who then co‑ created history and experienced, remembered and were to pass it on, suffered a traumatic fate – uprooting (Ukrainization), dispersion (economic migration, war and post‑war displacement to Ukraine), and finally exile (the “Wisła” action). Under these circumstances, not only did memory fail, but also documents were destroyed – these few literal traces of those times. None of the institutions created or managed by the Lemkos in the period analyzed survived for a long time. Although we know that they produced documents, these were not collected nor archived in the right way by these very institutions. Searching for the remnants of this documentation in private home archives in Poland, Ukraine and in the Lemko diaspora countries is an action necessary to recover the original documents, appeals and correspondence of the Lemko councils. It would be advisable to locate and catalogue ephemeral prints regarding the Lemko case – Rusyn, Polish, Czech, Slovak, Russian, Ukrainian. Some of the events and probably all the persons involved in them were photographed, but access to iconographic sources is very fragmentary, as these photographs often remain unrecoginsed. Apart from one archive (the collection of Zygmunt Lasocki in the National Archives in Krakow), own archives of non‑Lemko participants of events have not been found nor investigated – individual persons and institutions such as state organs, churches or political parties. Polish and Czech press, especially local press, has not been well‑ researched, apart from the Carpatho-Rusyn diaspora newspapers in the United States. It is of great importance to prepare a printed selection of basic sources for the history of the Lemko region in such an important period. It should contain basic declarations of Lemko councils, memorials addressed to state and international bodies, documentation of court proceedings against its activists, basic documents prepared by other forces active at the time in the Lemko region, and major press publications. The documentation annexed here (20 source texts) is just a sample of such a collection.
As Germany fought the Soviet Union during World War II, a much smaller but equally vicious struggle was unfolding in southeastern Poland, fueled by longstanding ethnic and territorial conflicts ...between Poles and Ukrainians. Both sides organized large partisan armies and sought control over territory each deemed integral to their postwar national visions. The violence reached a fever pitch in the years immediately following the war. This comprehensive study surveys PolishUkrainian relations dating back to the tenth century. Rapawy follows centuries of ethnic strife, population shifts, and the formation of national states after the First World War on multi-ethnic territories, illuminating the long-term historical processes that informed later events.
Between Russia and Czechoslovakia: Lemko Rus’ Struggle for Political Independence in the Years 1918-1921 and International PoliticsThe events in Lemko Rus had, in the years 1918-1921, a subjective ...and political character, and were the result of Lemkos’ own initiatives and activities, and not just external influences. They proved to be the national maturation of the Lemko community. However, it cannot be said that the newly created Lemko councils aimed at or constituted their own Lemko state with the headquarters in the village of Florynka. It becomes clear after analysing the chronology of Lemko political postulates in the context of events in the regional and global plane. None of the subsequent stages of the process of specifying their nationality by the Lemkos was connected with the idea of a separate Lemko statehood. Formally speaking, i.e., from the perspective of law and international relations, the Lemko region first wanted to belong to the Russian state, then to Czechoslovakia, always strongly rejecting the notion of being part of the resurgent Poland and the then-created Ukraine. Czechoslovakia was not an alternative to Russia for Lemko politicians, but only a tactical necessity against the momentary, as it was believed, impossibility to implement the original Russian option. It was a case created by a coincidence of ad-hoc circumstances. Be the Lemkos’ own country in the national sense, that is, they met both the political and cultural criteria of belonging there, which were important to their community. The Czechoslovak option somehow forced, or rather made possible the second option – striving to create a local state with a wider formula than just the Lemko region, connecting all Rusyns living in Austria-Hungary, that is also those from Eastern Galicia, Bukovina and Hungary. Such a Carpatho-Ruthenian republic was supposed to be a substitute, necessary for formal reasons, as an autonomous element in the federal structure of the Czechoslovak state, and for political reasons, as a safeguard for the national aspirations of the such a Carpatho-Rusyn and a guarantee of their future unification with democratic Russia. While Russia, both tsarist and liberal, guided by its national doctrine, was willing to unconditionally include all Austro-Hungarian Ruthenians in its borders, including also westernmost Lemkos, Czechoslovak leaders wanted to bite only as much as they could chew economically and politically, i.e. – include only regions rich in cities or natural deposits. The poor and non-urbanized Lemko region was treated only as a convenient item in their subversive game of borders with Poland.
After the collapse of the Romanov dynasty in February 1917, Russia was subject to an eight month experiment in democracy. Sarah Badcock studies its failure through an exploration of the experiences ...and motivations of ordinary men and women, urban and rural, military and civilian. Using previously neglected documents from regional archives, this 2007 text offers a history of the revolution as experienced in the two Volga provinces of Nizhegorod and Kazan. Badcock exposes the confusions and contradictions between political elites and ordinary people and emphasises the role of the latter as political actors. By looking beyond Petersburg and Moscow, she shows how local concerns, conditions and interests were foremost in shaping how the revolution was received and understood. She also reveals the ways in which the small group of intellectuals who dominated the high political scene of 1917 had their political alternatives circumscribed by the desires and demands of ordinary people.
Although Russian constitutionalism has a rich past and present, its place on the global map of the history of constitutional thought is not clearly defined yet. This paper contributes to the analysis ...of the early stages of development of Russian constitutionalism. The first Russian act resembling a “true” Constitution was the Constitution of the RSFSR of 1918. It was aimed not at the realization of the ideas of constitutionalism, but at the formation of a model of a totalitarian state. It sanctioned radical social changes and led to the liquidation of the concept of the division of power and the omnipotence of the nonconstitutional organs (like VChK, various “tribunals”). However, this act and its ideological sources deserve a more in-depth analysis. First of all, its utopian ideas about the new social system have to be identified and examined. The analysis shows that the 1918 Constitution reflects Lenin’s fascination with the ideas of direct democracy drawn from the experience of the Paris Commune and the French Revolution after 1789. In particular, it is about the perception of the idea of unlimited supreme power, undivided and combined, and at the same time federated in the form of loose communes. If we consider the range of constitutional ideas, the Bolsheviks adopted nothing more original that the concept of Rousseau’s national sovereignty. However, the implementation of utopian ideas ended with the creation of a totalitarian system, which contemporaries called “state despotism,” more powerful than the despotism of the Russian Empire.
In 1918, the Soviet revolutionary government repudiated the Tsarist regime's sovereign debt, triggering one of the biggest sovereign defaults ever. Yet the price of Russian bonds remained high for ...years. Combing French archival records, Kim Oosterlinck shows that, far from irrational, investors had legitimate reasons to hope for repayment. Soviet debt recognition, a change in government, a bailout by the French government, or French banks, or a seceding country would have guaranteed at least a partial reimbursement. As Greece and other European countries raise the possibility of sovereign default, Oosterlinck's superbly researched study is more urgent than ever.
In the years 1916-1918, the magazine appeared illegally during the German occupation and was not associated with any political group
od R. 4, nr 1=32 (1 stycz. 1919) red. nacz.: Andrzej Strug ; od R. ...nr 7=85 (15 luty 1920) red.: Adam Skwarczyński.
W latach 1916-1918 czasopismo ukazywało się nielegalnie w czasie okupacji niemieckiej i nie było związane z żadnym ugrupowaniem politycznym
od R. 4, nr 1=32 (1 stycz. 1919) red. nacz.: Andrzej Strug ; od R. nr 7=85 (15 luty 1920) red.: Adam Skwarczyński.
W latach 1916-1918 czasopismo ukazywało się nielegalnie w czasie okupacji niemieckiej i nie było związane z żadnym ugrupowaniem politycznym
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