Abstract
The recent ascent of right-wing populist movements in several countries has rekindled interest in understanding the causes of the rise of fascism in the interwar years. In this article, we ...argue that there was a strong link between the surge of support for the Socialist Party after World War I and the subsequent emergence of fascism in Italy. We first develop a source of variation in socialist support across Italian municipalities in the 1919 election based on war casualties from the area. We show that these casualties are unrelated to a battery of political, economic, and social variables before the war and had a major effect on socialist support (partly because the socialists were the main antiwar political movement). Our main result is that this boost to socialist support (that is “exogenous” to the prior political leaning of the municipality) led to greater local fascist activity as measured by local party branches and fascist political violence, and to significantly larger vote share of the Fascist Party in the 1921 and 1924 elections. We provide evidence that landowner associations and greater presence of local elites played an important role in the rise of fascism. Finally, we find greater likelihood of Jewish deportations in 1943–45 and lower vote share for Christian Democrats after World War II in areas with greater early fascist activity.
This article provides a detailed, chronological and comparative analysis of the various forms of university extensions (adult education programmes) which functioned in Transylvania between 1919 and ...1945. It highlights the contribution of the Cluj university professors to the regional socio-cultural life, as well as the importance of popularizing science to the general public. Knowledge dissemination through the so-called ‘popular lectures and courses’ was regarded as a valuable and important tool for modernizing the local society in the aftermath of the First World War and the reorganization of Transylvania as a province of the Romanian state (România Mare – Great Romania).
Fritz Bauer ist als der Staatsanwalt in die Geschichte der Bundesrepublik eingegangen, der den Auschwitz- Prozess initiiert und in einer Vielzahl weiterer Fälle die Verfolgung von NS-Verbrechen in ...die Wege geleitet hat. In Büchern, Aufsätzen, Zeitungsartikeln, Interviews und Reden in Hörfunk und Fernsehen reflektierte er die gesellschaftliche und politische Lage der Bundesrepublik in der Nachkriegszeit. Daneben formulierte er ein kriminalpolitisches Programm, in dem er Ziel und Zweck des Strafrechts grundlegend infrage stellte. Bauer hat in diesen Schriften oft Positionen bezogen, die für seine Zeit ungewöhnlich waren; zugleich zeigen sie, wie eng er dem Denken seiner Zeit verbunden war. Sie gewähren Einsicht in Diskussionen der frühen Bundesrepublik und führen eindrucksvoll vor Augen, wie sich Bauer als Jurist, Remigrant, jüdischer Intellektueller und Sozialdemokrat einmischte und Gehör verschaffte. So eröffnen seine »Kleinen Schriften« aus heute meist unzugänglichen Zeitungen und Zeitschriften, den Blick auf die Brüche in Bauers Biografie, auf Exil und Remigration als Schlüsselerfahrungen.
Fritz Bauer (1903–1968) war eine der bedeutendsten Persönlichkeiten im Kampf für die juristische Ahndung der NS-Verbrechen in den 1950er- und 1960er-Jahren in der Bundesrepublik. Von den Nationalsozialisten ins Exil getrieben, kehrte Bauer 1949 nach West-Deutschland zurück und setzte sich als hessischer Generalstaatsanwalt für die Demokratisierung des Landes ein. Er hatte wesentlichen Anteil am Zustandekommen des Eichmann-Prozesses, war maßgeblicher Initiator des Auschwitz-Prozesses in Frankfurt am Main (1963–1965) und strengte ein Verfahren gegen Beteiligte am NS-»Euthanasie«-Programm an.
»Ein Humanist und Demokrat … ein Visionär des Rechtsstaats« Heribert Prantl, Süddeutsche Zeitung
creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de
Endlich bilanziert ein Themenband die regional- und lokalgeschichtlich spezialisierten Einzelforschungen zum Nationalsozialismus. Die Beiträge resümieren die Forschungsergebnisse, sie diskutieren ...auch die methodischen Probleme einer Regionalgeschichte des Nationalsozialismus. Beiträge von: Hellmuth Auerbach , Walter L. Bernecker, Werner K. Blessing, Christoph Boyer/ Jaroslav Kucera, Gerhard Brunn / Jürgen Reulecke, Ursula Büttner, Volker Dahm, Kurt Düwell, Roger Engelmann, Ernst Hanisch, Horst Möller, Jeremy Noakes, Heinz-J. Priamus, Wolfram Pyta, Cornelia Rauh-Kühne, Michael Ruck, Detlef Schmiechen-Ackermann, Cornelia Wilhelm, Andreas Wirsching, Walter Ziegler.
This book is the first attempt to bridge the current divide between studies addressing ‘economic nationalism’ as a deliberate ideology and movement of economic ‘nation-building’, and the literature ...concerned with more diffuse expressions of economic ‘nationness’ – from national economic symbols and memories, to the ‘banal’ world of product communicationThe editors seeks to highlight the importance of economic issues for the study of nations and nationalism, and its findings point to the need to give economic phenomena a more prominent place in the field of nationalism studies. The authors of the essays come from disciplines as diverse as economic and cultural history, political science, business studies, as well as sociology and anthropology. Their chapters address the nationalism-economy nexus in a variety of realms, including trade, foreign investment, and national control over resources, as well as consumption, migration, and welfare state policies. Some of the case studies have a historical focus on nation-building in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, while others are concerned with contemporary developments. Several contributions provide in-depth analyses of single cases while others employ a comparative method. The geographical focus of the contributions vary widely, although, on balance, the majority of our authors deal with European countries.
Starting from Adorno's dictum, what arts and culture could be after the reality of Auschwitz, the philosopher Sabine Kock takes central argumentations of Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer, Hannah ...Arendt, Jean-François Lyotard, Sarah Kofman, Georges Didi-Huberman into view. For all of them imagination is an indispensable philosophical category and social force, but in fundamentally different ways. Kant proves to be a central reference: on the one hand as the guarantor of an irretrievably past, coherent world, on the other hand as the source of a fateful turn in the dialectic of enlightenment. Film material of the trial against Adolf Eichmann as well as an epilogue referring to the reflective narrator Ruth Klüger add this perspective.
Ausgehend von Adornos einflussreichem Diktum, was Kultur nach Auschwitz überhaupt sein könne, nimmt die Philosophin Sabine Kock zentrale Argumentationen von Theodor W. Adorno und Max Horkheimer, Hannah Arendt, Jean-François Lyotard, Sarah Kofman, Georges Didi-Huberman in den Blick. Für sie alle ist die Einbildungskraft eine unabdingbare philosophische Kategorie und gesellschaftliche Kraft, jedoch auf grundlegend verschiedene Weise. Kant erweist sich dabei als zentrale Referenz: einerseits als Garant einer unwiederbringlich vergangenen, kohärenten Welt, andererseits als Quelle einer verhängnisvollen ‚Dialektik der Aufklärung‘. Filmmaterial aus dem Prozess gegen Adolf Eichmann sowie ein Epilog über die reflexive Erzählerin Ruth Klüger ergänzen diese Perspektive.
Bringing together an expert group of established and emerging scholars, this book analyses the pervasive myth of the ‘new man’ in various fascist movements and far-right regimes between 1919 and ...1945. Through a series of ground-breaking case studies focusing on countries in Europe, but with additional chapters on Argentina, Brazil and Japan, The "New Man" in Radical Right Ideology and Practice, 1919-45 argues that what many national forms of far-right politics understood at the time as a so-called ‘anthropological revolution’ is essential to understanding this ideology’s bio-political, often revolutionary dynamics. It explores how these movements promoted the creation of a new, ideal human, what this ideal looked like and what this things tell us about fascism's emergence in the 20th century. The years after World War One saw the rise of regimes and movements professing totalitarian aims. In the case of revolutionary, radical-right movements, these totalising goals extended to changing the very nature of humanity through modern science, propaganda and conquest. At its most extreme, one of the key aims of fascism – the most extreme manifestation of radical right politics between the wars – was to create a ‘new man’. Naturally, this manifested itself in different ways in varying national contexts and this volume explores these manifestations in order to better comprehend early 20th-century fascism both within national boundaries and in a broader, transnational context.
In this book Michele L. Louro compiles the debates, introduces the personalities, and reveals the ideas that seeded Jawaharlal Nehru's political vision for India and the wider world. Set between the ...world wars, this book argues that Nehru's politics reached beyond India in order to fulfill a greater vision of internationalism that was rooted in his experiences with anti-imperialist and anti-fascist mobilizations in the 1920s and 1930s. Using archival sources from India, the United States, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany, and Russia, the author offers a compelling study of Nehru's internationalism as well as contributes a necessary interwar history of institutions and networks that were confronting imperialist, capitalist, and fascist hegemony in the twentieth-century world. Louro provides readers with a global intellectual history of anti-imperialism and Nehru's appropriation of it, while also establishing a history of a typically overlooked period.
Far from the image of an apolitical, "clean" Wehrmacht that persists in popular memory, German soldiers regularly cooperated with organizations like the SS in the abuse and murder of countless ...individuals during the Second World War. This in-depth study demonstrates that a key factor in the criminalization of the Wehrmacht was the intense political indoctrination imposed on its members. At the instigation of senior leadership, many ordinary German soldiers and officers became ideological warriors who viewed their enemies in racial and political terms-a project that was but one piece of the broader effort to socialize young men during the Nazi era.
Reading Colonial Korea through Fiction is a compilation of thirteen original essays which was first serialized in a quarterly issued by the National Institute of Korean Language, Saekukŏsaenghwal ...(Living our National Language Anew) in a column entitled, “Our Fiction, Our Language” between 2004 to 2007. Although the original intent of the Institute was to elucidate on important features particular to “national fiction” and the superiority of “national language,” instead Kim Chul’s astute essays offers a completely different reading of how national literature and language was constructed. Through a series of culturally nuanced readings, Kim links the formation and origins of Korean language and fiction to modernity and traces its origins to the Japanese colonial period while demonstrating in a very lucid way how colonialism constitutes modernity and how all modernity is perforce colonial, given the imperial crucibles from which modernist claims emerged. For Kim, denying this reality can only lead to violent distortions as he eschews appeals to a preexisting framework, preferring instead to ground his theoretical insights in subtle, innovative readings of texts themselves.
