Nakon kratka i jezgrovita opisa opće situacije u Bosni i Hercegovini za
vrijeme turske vladavine, autor promatra političko organiziranje Hrvata
u Hercegovini od preuzimanja vlasti Austrougarske ...Monarhije u BiH do
Prvoga svjetskog rata. S ciljem što jasnijega osvjetljavanja toga problema,
razmatra širi kontekst u kojemu je BiH postala poprištem sukoba različitih
političkih, nacionalnih, gospodarskih, religijskih, staleških i drugih
interesa. S tim u vezi ponajprije konstatira da je dolaskom Monarhije
u ovu u svim segmentima zaostalu provinciju unesena liberalistička ideja
koja je omogućila organiziranje drukčijih oblika socijalnoga, ekonomskog i
kulturnoga života. To su u hrvatskom korpusu iskoristili franjevci koji su
se nametnuli kao nezaobilazan činitelj društvenoga organiziranja, što će se
kasnije očitovati i na političkom planu. No, politički život u BiH bio je pod
snažnim utjecajem Mađara koji su ovu državu smatrali svojom interesnom
sferom. Njima je pak odgovaralo da se umjesto nacionalne nastavi tradicija
religijske identifikacije jer su se bojali snažne hrvatske strane u BiH koja bi
zagovarala ujedinjenje s drugim hrvatskim zemljama. Na drugoj su strani
Srbi radili na pripojenju BiH Srbiji. Muslimani su se tako našli u apsurdnoj
situaciji, osobito oni koji su prije uživali sve privilegije i koji su uzaludno
čekali povratak Osmanskoga Carstva.
For a Long time, scholars of witch-hunting presented Enlightenment political reforms as a kind of ”cure” for the “craze” of witchcraft, but despite these efforts, relatively little attention was ...truly paid to the end of witch-hunting. Without were formulated, historians attributed changes in state policy to an emerging skepticism and rationalism within the judicial and political elites of Europe.1 At times, scholars focus upon specific, local trials in which a loss of confidence emerged among those hearing witchcraft cases, but somewhat more frequently, they examine specific regions in which, they claim, scientific values and attitudes fostered skepticism among the elites formulating policies on the crime of witchcraft.2 Although there is an undeniable validity to both approaches, their conclusions are not without controversy. Several scholars have pointed out that judicial skepticism toward the crime of witchcraft emerged even before widespread intellectual change, and they have noted that the centralization of judicial administrations led to a decrease in the number and intensity of trials well in advance of enlightened thinking.
'Has the Austrian-German nobility had the same high degree of noble homogamy during the 20th century as the Dutch nobility? Noble homogamy among the Dutch nobility was one of the two main reasons for ...their 'constant noble advantage' in obtaining elite positions during the 20th century. The Dutch on the one hand and the Austrian-German nobility on the other can be seen as two extreme cases within the European nobility. The Dutch nobility seems to have had a lower degree of noble homogamy during the 20th century than the Austrian-German nobility. However, the analysis shows that this is a consequence of the different composition of the Austrian-German nobility (higher noble titles, more nobility with feudal origins), a more modern concept of nobility among the Dutch nobility (paternal family instead of noble stock of paternal and maternal ancestors) and a successful merger of the feudal and post-feudal Dutch nobility. If one takes these compositional differences between the Austrian, German and Dutch nobility into account, then the Dutch nobility had a higher degree of noble homogamy in the early 20th century, yet their homogamy declined faster during this century than that of the Austrian-German nobility.' (author's abstract)|
'After the Austro-Hungarian Compromise (Ausgleich) a new national - Honved - army was set up, but four fifth of the conscripts from Hungary as well as half of the Hungarian officers were actually ...drafted in the k.u.k (royal and imperial) 'common Army' of the Habsburg Monarchy. There remained only 6%; - later 8%; - Hungarians in the 'common' k.u.k. officer corps. In the 1870 half of these Hungarian officers and even in the 1900s some 40%; were still noblemen. The Honved officer corps of the 1870s was a strange mixture. The elderly veterans of the 1848 revolution and war of independence were mostly noblemen. On the contrary, there was a number of peasant boys and others of humble social background among the younger subalterns, since the Honved army did not appear as distinguished enough socially for the 'better families'. Later these differences tended to disappear and by the early 20th century the Honved officer corps was considered of quite similar social and military standing as its k.u.k equivalent. Following the collapse of the Monarchy in 1918, the earlier members of the Honved prevailed in the new army of the rump state, because the royalist officers of the Habsburg Empire refused to serve under admiral Horthy considered as a 'traitor'. The new officer corps had thus much less noblemen and only a few real aristocrats, but - besides officers' sons - there were more and more sons of civil servants, railway and post officials as well as other members of the 'non economic' lower middle classes.' (author's abstract)|
Nach dem Scheitern der politischen Zusammenarbeit zwischen dem konservativen böhmischen Adel und den liberalen Nationalisten Tschechiens wurde in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts ein negatives ...Stereotyp des nicht-nationalen Adels typisch für das tschechische Nationalbewusstsein. Eine Zusammenarbeit zwischen den politischen Führern der böhmischen Länder und den Repräsentanten der Nationalbewegung wurde dennoch sehr wichtig für beide Seiten, nicht nur im Vormärz, sondern auch in den 1860er Jahren. Der Verfasser interpretiert diese Kontakte als alternativen Fall nationaler Elitebildung. Einerseits lieferten die Aktivitäten der nationalistischen Intelligentsia den Ländern Argumente für die Festigung ihrer traditionellen Position in der Gesellschaft. Andererseits zog das nationale Prinzip gesellschaftlicher Organisation die 'natürliche' Eliteposition des Adels in Zweifel. Der Beitrag vergleicht die Situation in Böhmen und Tschechien mit der in Galizien und Polen. (ICEÜbers)
'In the second half of the 19th century, after the failure of the political cooperation between the conservative Bohemian nobility and the Czech liberal nationalist, a negative stereotype of the non-national nobility became to be typical for the Czech national consciousness. However, a cooperation between political leaders of the Bohemian estates and the representatives of the Young movement was very important for both sides in the 'Vormärz', and even in the 1860's. The paper shows these contacts in the terms of an alternative case of (national) elite building. On the one hand, the activities of nationalist intelligentsia provided for the estates arguments to confirm their traditional position in society. On the other hand, the national principle of social organization questioned the 'natural' elite position of the nobility. The paper compares the Bohemian/ Czech situation with the Galician/ Polish one.' (author's abstract)|
Peace Settlement Hall, Richard C
Consumed by War,
10/2009
Book Chapter
The failed peace settlement of World War I had its origins in the aims of the belligerents. Both sides quickly framed their objectives in mainly geographic terms. At first no one envisioned a ...political or ideological alteration of Europe. Once the fighting began, the military dictated the course of events, not the diplomats, who had singularly failed in the summer of 1914. Fighting, not talking, determined the war aims. At the onset of the war, the Entente Powers sought to expand their territories in Europe and thus limit Germany and Austria-Hungary. The Belgians wanted to annex Luxembourg. Belgian expansion aroused little enthusiasm among the other Entente Powers, especially France. Belgium, Britain, France, and Portugal all aspired to parts of the German colonial empire.
Eastern Fronts Hall, Richard C
Consumed by War,
10/2009
Book Chapter
The eastern fronts did not offer an opportunity for decisive victory for either side. The battlefields were too scattered and too remote. Even though Germany had a significant ally on the Russian ...front in Austria-Hungary, the military weakness of this ally increasingly forced the Germans to assume a dominant role in the east. After the Brusilov offensive, the Germans effectually controlled the Austro-Hungarian army. The smaller countries in the east lacked the military power to gain decisive victories. The Italians, Montenegrins, Romanians, and Serbs all sapped the resources of the Entente Powers. The Bulgarians and Ottomans drew on the strength of the Central Powers. These eastern European battlefields exhausted both sides. In doing so, they hindered the accumulation of military capacities on the western front for a decisive battle. In the east, during the first phase of World War I, there was no victory, only defeat.
