Rad ima za cilj da istraži načine za povećanje socijalne i ekonomske pravde ukontekstu stanovanja u Beogradu. Istraživanje je usmereno na analizu efekata postojeće poreske politike koja se odnosi ...na izgradnju, kupovinu, posedovanje i upotrebu stambenih jedinica u glavnom gradu. Istraživanje ima tri grane: prvo, rad analizira postojeći institucionalni okvir poreza na kupoprodaju nekretnina i poreza na imovinu; drugo, autori nude kvalitativno istraživanje kroz intervjue agenata za nekretnine i kupce nekretnina da bi utvrdili motive za kupovinu njihove prve, odnosno svake sledeće nekretnine; treće, rad nudi model determinanti cena nekretnina u Gradu Beogradu. Ukrštanjem rezultata empirijskog istraživanja, rad teži razvijanju alternativnih modela oporezivanja koji bi doprineli promeni podsticaja u okviru stambene politike, čime bi ih učinili delom sistema socijalne pravde. Promena podsticaja treba da dovede do toga da stambene jedinice postanu dostupnije i pristupačnije za ljude koji u njima žele zapravo da žive, a progresivno skuplje za vlasnike koji koriste stambene jedinice kao poslovni prostor, investicionu ili štednu imovinu.
Being one of the older settlements in the present-day City of Belgrade, more precisely the municipality of Novi Beograd, Bežanija is a place boasting rich historical, urban planning, and ...architectural features. Moreover, the ethnological and anthropological study of Bežanija expands the perspectives of this urban neighbourhood, attempting to examine the current social and cultural framework of its inhabitants. This paper is based on the architectural and anthropological research conducted in the form of mapping the studied area, observation, and informal interviews with residents. On the basis of the available material, the author endeavors to show that Bežanija is nowadays almost a marginalised city toponym, due to partly indeterminate and blurred boundaries cased by the specific urban development of Novi Beograd in (post)socialist era. One of the general findings is that the local identity of the population also follows the trend, which means that people's identifying with a place of residence is differently perceived by different generations depending on changes in the architecture of the neighbourhood.
Architect Milosav Mitić figures prominently among numerous authors who contributed to the emancipatory and artistic development of the post-WWII architecture in Serbia. Recognised even in his student ...years as a talented and artistically inclined author, in the years to come Mitić became a member of the renowned Belgrade 5 group, together with his colleagues Mihailo Čanak, Leonardo Lenarčić, Ivan Petrović, and Ivan Simović, submiting designs to numerous public competitions and designing major housing areas and related facilities in Novi Beograd. Although his prolific professional engagement earned him timely acknowledgement of his contemporaries, a thorough historiographic evaluation that would put the life and work of this author in the limelight for both professional and general public is still missing. That is the very reason behind this comprehensive analysis of the life and work of architect Mitić, aimed at interpreting his Belgrade oeuvre as coherently as possible.
PROTEST AS A FORM OF CIVIC MOVEMENT IN POST-CONFLICT SOCIETY WITH THE EXAMPLE OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA Civic activity, the degree of development of this activity and its multifaceted relationship ...with the state has been one of the most expressive manifestations of mature democracy for several decades. Citizens’ trust in bottom-up initiatives is a long-term process built in the social space where systemic democracy is present. Serbs, as a society that directly or indirectly experienced armed conflicts, entered the path of democratisation after 2000 and remained on it for about 15 years, when during the rule of the Serbian Progressive Party of Aleksander Vučić, the populist character of the rule slowed down and then reversed the democratisation processes. The aim of the article is to look at the protest as one of the most common manifestations of civic movements and to analyse the subject matter of the protests, their intensity, the possibility of influencing the political and social reality, and finally the cases of its evolution, related to its transformation into other forms of activity.
Grofje Celjski so bili nedvomno najpomembnejša ple- miška rodbina z izvorom na današnjem slovenskem ozemlju. Njihov meteorski vzpon je dosegel zenit s povišanjem v državne kneze leta 1436, ...vendar so že leta 1456 izumrli. Na višku moči so posedovali okrog 125 gradov, kar je bil rezultat več kot stoletja dolge načrtne grajske politike. Eden od načinov izražanja moči in prestiža so bile tudi reprezentativne zgradbe, obenem oblika dinastične propagande. Članek prikazuje nekatere prestižne zgradbe Celjskih: mestni grad v Celju, njihovo glavno rezidenco, dva strateška gradova na dostopih iz Italije (Vipava, Postojna), tri nove, ki so jih grofje zgradili v 15. stoletju (Bela Peč, Fridrihštajn, Mokrice), dva na prestižnih lokacijah na Koroškem (Landskron) oziroma pri Dunaju (Liechtenstein) in njihove mestne rezidence na Dunaju, v Zagrebu, Budimu in Beogradu.
In the second half of the 20th century Belgrade was being developed and expanded at a fast pace. Many residential areas that grew at the time were built using prefabricated industrialised systems. ...Prefabricated construction technologies were developed as a result of multiple influential factors such as the socio-economic situation, cultural, scientific and technical development, and housing policies. The paper presents several widely used prefabricated construction systems (IMS, Rad-Balansi, Jugomont, Trudbenik, Komgrap), points to a few characteristic examples of residential buildings, complexes, blocks or neighbourhoods dating from different decades of the second half of the 20th century, and identifies as yet unmapped examples of Belgrade's residential architecture using the historical method of research. The paper initiates further and more thorough research both into residential architecture in Belgrade and into the technology of prefabrication in the context of the technical and architectural achievements of the 20th century. The goal of the research is to gain a more thorough knowledge of the examples of residential architecture which are representative of a particular period or a type of housing. The paper draws attention to the architectural works which have not hitherto been studied or published but which deserve the attention of the professional and general public. Its particular contribution is in defining the ways in which prefabricated industrialised systems influenced architectural design, and in proposing a typology of floor layouts occurring in residential buildings constructed using these systems.
Desde el derrocamiento en octubre del 2000 de Slobodan Milošević, la movilización social y crítica en Serbia fue casi inexistente. La sociedad civil quedó reducida a la actividad de las ONG. Otros ...actores sociales, como los sindicatos, asociaciones y movimientos sociales, no tuvieron ningún protagonismo. Incluso a partir de la crisis económica del año 2008, que afectó a toda la región a partir de 2009, se establecieron las condiciones para el conflicto social en algunas ex repúblicas yugoslavas, y, efectivamente, hubo movimientos de protesta en Eslovenia, Croacia, Bosnia-Herzegovina y Macedonia. En el caso de Serbia, tendría que llegar una nueva generación post-yugoslava y la demolición ilegal de unos edificios de la calle Hercegovačka, en Belgrado, en 2016, para que una iniciativa, el movimiento Ne da(vi)mo Beograd, cambiara los patrones de acción política en las calles serbias y abriera un nuevo período de confrontación social contra las élites, luchando contra el proyecto urbanístico Belgrade Waterfront y sus responsables políticos.
Foreign investment by the United Arab Emirates in the 'Beograd na vodi' master plan sets the stage for the largest urban development in the Serbian capital since the planning of Novi Beograd. While ...the government embraces the plan as an instrument to spur economic growth in Serbia, critics are more cautious and warn for cliche corporate development.
The intention of the occupation forces to close off the occupied territory to the flow of information that would prevent the citizens of Belgrade from being informed using other channels, experienced ...failure. The citizens of this city listened intensely to forbidden radio stations and transmitted information by word of mouth. Occupiers, collaborators, allies, resistance movements, and crimes in the NDH were dominant themes in Belgrade's illegal discourse. The emergence of national poets writing poems with a political connotation was entirely in accordance with the tradition of the Serbian people. We can see clearly that Belgrade restaurants, in this period, also served as a kind of news agency, where one could get all kinds of information or listen to banned songs. Markets, streets, and other places of gathering, where informal conversations were held, were sources where Belgrade citizens could get in touch with forbidden information. Individual examples of violations of a verbal delict, such as Aleksandar Ignjatović, a watchmaker and Leontina Kraus, a teacher, show that there were people among citizens who were not afraid of the repressive measures and threats by the occupation forces and who risked and lost their lives to defend the dignity of the occupied Serbian population. From the very first day, the occupier emphasized that listening to banned radio stations and conducting anti-occupation propaganda would undergo severe punishment. Police and security institutions used a network of associates and police commissioners on the field to prevent this phenomenon and reveal the offenders. Many cases were also discovered on the base of information collected from denunciations. After the investigation, some of the arrested were shot, while others were put into concentration camps or got lighter sentences, which proves that the repressive system did not have unified punishment maintenance. Parallel with police operations, the occupier acted preventively using propaganda. This way the regime intended to intimidate those who spread forbidden news. The need for the implementation of these acts of repression and propaganda is a good example that proves that a lot of people listened to forbidden radio stations and violated verbal delict. Despite the fact that listening to forbidden radio stations and violating the verbal delict was not in correlation with the achievement of military forces goals of the Allies, this kind of unarmed and civil resistance in Belgrade was of great importance. Firstly, we would like to emphasize its moral value. This kind of behavior represented the main defense against the intentions of the invader to crush fundamental values of a society, such as freedom of speech and the right to be informed. Anti-occupation rhetoric speeches compromised the regime and had negative influence on the tendency of the occupier to get the support of the domestic population by use of propaganda, which was one of preconditions for pacification and the exploitation of the occupied territory. Spontaneous spreading of news criticizing the occupier, accented victories of the Allies and defeats of the Wehrmacht were an equally important factor for the affirmation of organized resistance among the domestic population. Undoubtedly the listening of this news could influence the citizens of Belgrade to „run to the woods“ and participate in organizations or support resistance movements as their sympathizers.
Ana Bantoş / Tatjana Mlečko (Moldavija), Meenu Bhatnagar (Indija), Natalia Bernitskaya (Francija), Ataol Behramoğlu (Turčija), Jan Ivar Bjørnflaten (Norveška), Ekaterina Velmezova (Švica), Alois ...Woldan (Avstrija), Rafael Guzman Tirado (Španija), Aleksandr Duličenko (Estonija), Peter Žeňuch (Slovaška), András Zoltán (Madžarska), Miodrag Jovanović (Crna gora), Maksim Karanfilovski (Makedonija), Marija Kitanova (Bolgarija), Igors Koškins (Latvija), Wim Coudenys (Belgija), Alexander Kulik (Izrael), Helena Lehečková (Finska), Elena Lorenzen (Danska), Aleksandr Lukašanec (Belorusija), John MacNair / David Wells (Avstralija in Nova Zelandija), Catherine MacRobert (Velika Britanija), Keiko Mitani (Japonska), Olga Mladenova (Kanada), Aleksandr Moldovan (Rusija), Antoaneta Olteanu (Romunija), Oleksij Onyščenko (Ukrajina), Bodin Per-Arne (Švedska), Marko Samardžija (Hrvaška), Eleonora Sulejmanova (Kazahstan), Jos Schaeken / Otto Boele (Nizozemska), Ioannis Tarnanidis (Grčija), Sergejus Temčinas (Litva), Piotr Fast (Poljska), Michael S. Flier / Cynthia Vakareliyska (ZDA), Senad Halilović / Sanjin Kodrić (Bosna in Hercegovina), Gerd Hentschel (Nemčija), Giorgio Ziffer (Italija), Václav Čermák (Češka), Alenka Šivic-Dular (Slovenija), Dietrich Scholze-ŠoPa (Nemčija). - Po razpravi (A. Šivic-Dular, A. Lukašanec, A. Moldovan in G. Hentschel) so bili sprejeti naslednji sklepi: a) Kotizacije so oproščeni plenami referenti, častni in redni člani MSK in člani Predsedstva MSK. b) Za vse aktivne udeležence (referente in koreferente v sekcijah, tematskih blokih, okroglih mizah, zasedanjih komisij) je kotizacija obvezna, če so na kongresu prisotni. c) Višina kotizacije za aktivne udeležence je odvisna od časa vplačila: 100 evrov (do 15. maja 2018), 150 evrov (do 1. avgusta 2018) in 200 evrov (pri registraciji). d) Višina kotizacije za udeležence s posterji 70 evrov in za pasivne udeležence 50 evrov se ne spreminja. e) Pravico do povračila 50 % vplačane kotizacije imajo udeleženci, ki bodo udeležbo preklicali do 1. avgusta 2018. f) Sezname pasivnih udeležencev naj nacionalni komiteji pošljejo Predsedstvu MSK najkasneje do 28. februarja 2018. Prosila je za mnenje glede tega, ali naj bi razstava zajela vse srbske slovarje ali samo najpomembnejše. Ugotovljeno je, da gre za precedens, saj so mednarodni slavistični kongresi (Praga 1929 - Beograd 2018) doslej vsi potekali v slovanskih državah, čeprav Statut MSK tega izrecno ne določa.
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