This article is conceived to analyze the idea of University formulated by the communist academic Hernán Ramírez Necochea, who holds that the University was a space of ideological dispute with the ..."ruling" class and North American "cultural imperialism". To confirm this hypothesis, the relationship between the Communist Party of Chile (PCCh) and the University between the 1950s and the early 1960s was investigated. ...the academic and political biography of Ramírez Necochea was reviewed, and, finally, an analyze his conception of university through the revision of memories, unpublished documents, historical production, interviews, communist press and university press was made. Nos parece importante rescatar sus aportes en el campo educacional, porque nos permiten comprender los proyectos educativos de los intelectuales comunistas chilenos en el ámbito universitario durante un período de movilizaciones sociales, cuando la educación superior se encontraba en el centro del debate ideológico.
With the expansion of the communist movement, various currents of dissent appeared in many cases causing schisms in international communism at national and international level. The relations of the ..."Left Communist" party with the International Secretariat reveal to us the ambiguous position of Chileans towards the formation of the Fourth International and their perseverance in making independent political decisions. El emisario del SSA, Vittorio Codovilla, señaló que el nuevo CC no correspondía a los criterios bolcheviques y debería ser sustituido por otro9. Con ello, el SSA colocó el sello trotskista sobre el grupo disidente; sin embargo, el Secretariado Latinoamericano de la Komintern (SLA) de Moscú no estuvo conforme con esa denominación.
This book provides an analysis of the articulation and organisation of radical international solidarity by organisations that were either connected to or had been established by the Communist ...International (Comintern), such as the International Red Aid, the International Workers' Relief, the League Against Imperialism, the International of Seamen and Harbour Workers and the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers. The guiding light of these organisations was a radical interpretation of international solidarity, usually in combination with concepts and visions of gender, race and class as well as anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism and anti-fascism. All of these new transnational networks form a controversial part of the contemporary history of international organisations. Like the Comintern these international organisations had an ambigious character that does not fit nicely into the traditional typologies of international organisations as they were neither international governmental organisations nor international non-governmental organisations. They constituted a radical continuation of the pre-First World War Left and exemplified an attempt to implement the ideas and movements of a new type of radical international solidarity not only in Europe, but on a global scale. Contributors are: Gleb J. Albert, Bernhard H. Bayerlein, Kasper Braskén, Fredrik Petersson, Holger Weiss.
La tarea de este artículo es revelar los cambios en el carácter de las mujeres en la era post-soviética, el trabajo considera particularmente el papel de instituciones socialistas prominentes, ...particularmente la Universidad comunista de trabajadoras del este (KUTV) y sus aspectos socioeconómicos, culturales e influencia política en las mujeres kazajas. Este artículo examina principalmente las actividades de una institución socialista principal, "Universidad comunista de trabajadoras del este" en una categoría específica de personas "mujeres kazajas". El análisis presentado por el autor ofrece a los lectores una comprensión clara de cómo funcionan las universidades y la importancia que tuvo y sigue teniendo para las mujeres kazajas.
The Communist Party dictatorships in Hungary and East Germany sought to win over the “masses” with promises of providing for ever-increasing levels of consumption. This policy—successful at the ...outset—in the long-term proved to be detrimental for the regimes because it shifted working class political consciousness to the right while it effectively excluded leftist alternatives from the public sphere. This book argues that this policy can provide the key to understanding of the collapse of the regimes. It examines the case studies of two large factories, Carl Zeiss Jena (East Germany) and Rába in Győr (Hungary), and demonstrates how the study of the formation of the relationship between the workers’ state and the industrial working class can offer illuminating insights into the important issue of the legitimacy (and its eventual loss) of Communist regimes.
While millions in China have been advantaged by three decades of reform, impressive gains have also produced social dislocation. Groups that had been winners under socialism find themselves losers in ...the new order. Based on field research in nine cities across China, this fascinating study considers the fate of one such group - 35 million workers laid off from the state-owned sector. The book explains why these lay-offs occurred, how workers are coping with unemployment, what actions the state is taking to provide them with livelihoods and re-employment, and what happens when workers mobilize collectively to pursue redress of their substantial grievances. What happens to these people, the remnants of the socialist working class, will be critical in shaping post-socialist politics and society in China and beyond.
The sudden dissolution of the Soviet Union altered the routines, norms, celebrations, and shared understandings that had shaped the lives of Russians for generations. It also meant an end to the ...state-sponsored, nonmonetary support that most residents had lived with all their lives. How did Russians make sense of these historic transformations? Serguei Alex. Oushakine offers a compelling look at postsocialist life in Russia.
In Barnaul, a major industrial city in southwestern Siberia that has lost 25 percent of its population since 1991, many Russians are finding that what binds them together is loss and despair.The Patriotism of Despairexamines the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union, graphically described in spray paint by a graffiti artist in Barnaul: "We have no Motherland." Once socialism disappeared as a way of understanding the world, what replaced it in people's minds? Once socialism stopped orienting politics and economics, how did capitalism insinuate itself into routine practices?
Oushakine offers a compelling look at postsocialist life in noncosmopolitan Russia. He introduces readers to the "neocoms": people who mourn the loss of the Soviet economy and the remonetization of transactions that had not involved the exchange of cash during the Soviet era. Moving from economics into military conflict and personal loss, Oushakine also describes the ways in which veterans of the Chechen war and mothers of soldiers who died there have connected their immediate experiences with the country's historical disruptions. The country, the nation, and traumatized individuals, Oushakine finds, are united by their vocabulary of shared pain.
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