The article examines the opposition to Yom Haatzmaut, Israel, Independence Day, among an influential sector of America's Orthodox Jews. The so-called Yeshiva World, or Orthodox Right, flouted ...observance of Yom Haatzmaut rituals, and issued strong critiques of the Religious Zionists in the Diaspora who did celebrate it. However, the opposition was not articulated as a reproach to Religious Zionism. On the contrary, the Orthodox Right's disapproval was primarily framed as a condemnation of Jewish nationalism and the denial of rabbinical sovereignty to the religious leaders of the Diaspora. Utilizing understudied responsa and rabbinical sources, this research complicates our understanding of tensions between religious leaders in Israel and the Diaspora and the factors that contributed to anti-Zionism within certain American Jewish religious quarters.
The poetic discourse has portrayed in various ways the so-called “bolivarian revolution” in Venezuela. The social, economic, cultural and political transformations have severely affected the country ...since the beginning of the 21st century. This work intends to follow the main lines that arise from the thematic and discursive associations that poetry reveals as a critical stance, facing new referents.
Japanese diaspora archaeology originated in the late 1960s but reports and publications did not appear until the 1980s. Early studies often included Japanese artifacts or sites within larger surveys, ...but by the 1990s and 2000s were the focus of targeted research. Most research has been undertaken in western North American and the Pacific Islands. Pre-War farms and work camps and World War II battlefields and incarceration centers emerged as primary topics of study, with the incarceration centers dominating the literature today. Research themes are diverse but emphasize material consumption, concepts of place, and patterns of cultural persistence and change.
On 23 August 1950, Israel's Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion and Jacob Blaustein, President of the American Jewish Committee, expressed their mutual understanding about the relationship of Israel to ...Jews in the United States and other free countries. Ben-Gurion's declaration in the exchange that Jews of the United States owe no political allegiance to Israel was naturally seen as a compromise made for pragmatic reasons by the Prime Minister, known for his belief in aliyah, the ascent of world Jewry to Israel. Observing the exchange from a seventy-year perspective, however, I suggest that Ben-Gurion's statements were rather consistent with a unique conceptual framework he used as a means for the sovereign state of Israel to gain the support of Jews living in other sovereign states, while reducing the danger that they be accused of dual loyalty. I describe that conceptual framework, which stresses the universal messianic mission of the Jewish state, and raise some thoughts on the implications of its abandonment in Israel in later years.
This study adopts a mixed method to examine Chinese diaspora tourists' ancestral hometown emotional experiences. A qualitative approach was used to establish a conceptual framework of emotional ...experience, and quantitative research was performed to evaluate the effects of respondents' emotional experiences on their ancestral hometown attachment with diaspora tourism. Results show that diaspora tourists' emotional hometown experiences included nostalgic memory and affective arousal, which influenced diaspora tourists' hometown attachment. Specifically, nostalgic memory positively influenced place dependence, place identity and affective attachment; affective arousal positively influenced place identity and social bonding. Diaspora tourists' emotional experiences and hometown attachment also differed demographically. These findings provide practical implications for the construction of diaspora ancestral hometowns.
•Diaspora tourism experiences included nostalgic memory and affective arousal.•Nostalgic memory positively influenced place dependence, place identity and affective attachment.•Affective arousal positively influenced place identity and social bonding.•Generations demonstrated significant differences in emotional experiences.•Demographic attributes showed differences in emotional experiences.
A partir do estudo sobre quilombos de Beatriz Nascimento, busco evidenciar as possibilidades de uso da perspectiva que a autora fundamentou na arqueologia realizada no Brasil. Levantando trabalhos ...que pautaram a diáspora africana pela arqueologia, bem como as discussões sobre os princípios que tentam compreender a forma com que as culturas de África germinaram no continente africano, busco transcender as noções sobre a experiência quilombola e suas origens históricas para além da realidade escravista, correlacionando entre imbangalas do século XVII e outras organizações sócio-políticas da África centro-ocidental o foco de desenvolvimento dessa pluralidade política. É investigando essas variadas formas de existência da experiência quilombola, à luz de Beatriz Nascimento, que utilizo o quilombo como exemplo para mostrar a necessidade de se localizar a arqueologia da diáspora africana uma vertente de uma arqueologia da África.
Why does the US government choose to initiate human rights-based economic sanctions against some highly repressive target countries, but not others? And, under what conditions does it do so? In this ...paper, I posit an interactive theory wherein I argue that diaspora size moderates the relationship between target human rights conduct and the onset of human rights-based economic sanctions. I contend that as the size of a diaspora increases, its capacity to influence the onset of human rights-based economic sanctions strengthens, as it can more effectively (1) lobby decisionmakers in Congress and the White House directly as well as (2) indirectly via using contentious action to mobilize public opinion, which intensifies the pressure on Congresspersons and the President to act. To test my contention, I combine US sanctions data with data on American diasporas and homeland human rights conduct and find that while diaspora size strongly and consistently moderates the relationship between homeland human rights conduct and the onset of Congressional sanctions, its moderating impact on Presidential sanctions is inconsistent and, moreover, negligible when addressing endogeneity and other concerns.
¿Por qué el Gobierno de los Estados Unidos elige iniciar sanciones económicas basadas en los derechos humanos contra algunos países objetivo altamente represivos, pero no contra otros? y, ¿en qué condiciones lo hace? En este artículo, postulamos una teoría interactiva en la que sostenemos que el tamaño de la diáspora modera la relación entre el comportamiento en materia de derechos humanos en los países objetivo y el inicio de sanciones económicas relacionadas con los derechos humanos. Sostenemos que a medida que aumenta el tamaño de una diáspora, su capacidad para influir en el inicio de sanciones económicas basadas en los derechos humanos se fortalece, ya que puede ser más eficiente en materia de: (1) presionar a los tomadores de decisiones en el Congreso y en la Casa Blanca directamente, así como (2) indirectamente mediante el uso de acciones contenciosas para movilizar a la opinión pública, lo cual intensifica la presión sobre los congresistas y el presidente para que actúen. Con el fin de demostrar esta afirmación, combinamos los datos de las sanciones de los Estados Unidos con los datos sobre las diásporas estadounidenses y la conducta en materia de derechos humanos del país de origen y concluimos que, si bien el tamaño de la diáspora modera fuerte y consistentemente la relación entre la conducta en materia de derechos humanos del país de origen y el inicio de las sanciones por parte del Congreso, su impacto moderador en las sanciones presidenciales es inconsistente y, además, insignificante cuando se abordan la endogeneidad y otras preocupaciones.
Pourquoi le gouvernement américain choisit-il d'appliquer des sanctions économiques en fonction du respect des droits de l'Homme seulement contre certains pays extrêmement répressifs? Et à quelles conditions le fait-il? Dans cet article, je postule une théorie interactive dans laquelle j'affirme que la taille de la diaspora modère la relation entre la conduite vis-à-vis des droits de l'Homme du pays cible et l'instauration de sanctions économiques en fonction du respect de ceux-ci. J'affirme que lorsque la taille de la diaspora augmente, sa capacité d'influencer l'instauration de sanctions économiques fondées sur le respect des droits de l'Homme se renforce, car elle est en mesure d'efficacement (1) faire pression sur les décideurs politiques au Congrès ou à la Maison-Blanche directement, mais aussi (2) indirectement, en agissant de manière controversée pour mobiliser l'opinion publique, ce qui intensifie la pression sur les membres du Congrès ou le Président. Pour vérifier mon hypothèse, je combine des données sur les sanctions américaines avec des données sur les diasporas aux États-Unis et les droits de l'Homme par pays d'origine. J'observe que, bien que la taille de la diaspora modère toujours fortement la relation entre la conduite vis-à-vis des droits de l'Homme dans le pays d'origine et l'apparition de sanctions par le Congrès, son effet de modération sur les sanctions présidentielles est fluctuant, en plus d'être négligeable dans la réponse à l'endogénéité et d'autres préoccupations.
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