U radu se predlažu četiri nove etimologije latinskih riječi: 1. lat. volgus ‘narod, puk’ se izvodi iz ie. *wog’hlo- metatezom (isti je praoblik odražen u gr. ókhlos ‘mnoštvo, rulja’, iz korijena ...*weg’h- ‘voziti’). 2. Lat. laedo ‘ubiti’ se izvodi iz ie. *slad- ‘ubiti, udariti’ (stir. slaidid) s dvoglasom -ae-analogijom prema caedo ‘sjeći’. 3. Lat. paedor ‘prljavština’ se izvodi iz ie. složenice *h2pe-h2 eyd-ōs, od prefiksa *h2pe- ‘od, iz’ i korijena *h2eyd- ‘bujati’ (arm. aytnum, stsl. jadъ ‘otrov’). 4. Lat. merx ‘roba, trgovina’ se izvodi iz ie. *merg’- ‘dijeliti’ (het. mārk-i ‘dijeliti, odvajati’), iz istoga korijena koji je i u lat. margō, marginis ‘granica’.
Rad se bavi semantičkom rekonstrukcijom praslovenske riječi koprъ, koja se u modernim slovenskim jezicima javlja u značenju „kopar” (Anethum graveolens). Na osnovu povezanih oblika (na primjer, ...*kopъtь, *kopьno), osnovno značenje bilo bi „topao vazduh”, „para”. U tom pogledu, moguće je revidirati porijeklo slovenskih naziva za koprivu (Urtica), kao što su *kopriva, odnosno *kropiva. Naime, *kopriva je derivat glagola *koprěti/*kopriti, u značenju „tretirati toplom vodom”, dok je *kropiva derivat glagola *kropiti, u značenju „vreti”. U oba slučaja korijen riječi označava žareću biljku. U cilju dokazivanja tvrdnje, rad nudi brojne sinonime koji se javljaju u različitim slovenskim jezicima i koji nastaju u skladu sa istim semantičkim modelima i pravilima tvorbe riječi.
full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English
This paper focuses on the common Balto-Slavic term for “hand.” This somatonym is quite peculiar; despite the importance of its referent, ...it is not possible to reconstruct a common IE. root for “hand.” Here, the main extant etymological hypotheses on the Balto-Slavic forms are discussed.
Special attention is paid to a less-known hypothesis, accounting for these forms as a direct reflex of IE. *penkwe. Horowitz (1992) believes that the original meaning of this lexeme was “hand,” and that it had only later shifted to “5.” This reconstruction would provide a direct etymological/semantical connection between the somatonym and the numeral, which parallels similar cases in many of the world’s languages. I will point out the reasons why such an etymology would be tempting and, at the same time, a number of crucial difficulties that should lead to its rejection. The traditional connection with the activity of collecting (Lith. riñkti) still remains the more plausible hypothesis; however, other explanations are also theoretically valid. Some final remarks are proposed that suggest regarding these forms as a Baltic innovation. Innovative aspects are found (i) in the semantic scope of these words (from the shoulder to the fingertips) and (ii) in the absence of a gender opposition between the hand and the foot (gender opposition being an archaic feature). The action of collecting may be regarded as a case of global etymology, i.e., a root shared by several macro-families. Conversely, the root *(w)renk- is attested only in Baltic languages (Lithuanian). So, it is reasonable to believe that the somatonym originated in the Baltic and was later borrowed by the Slavic during the period of maximum proximity between these people.
straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba
Straipsnyje diskutuojama apie baltams ir slavams bendrą rankos pavadinimą. Šis kūno dalies pavadinimas (somatonimas) neįprastas tuo, kad negalima rekonstruoti jo indoeuropietiškosios protoformos. Tai reiškia, kad bendro indoeuropiečių rankos pavadinimo nėra arba jis nėra išlikęs, o baltų ir slavų kalbos turi savarankiškas formas, kurios skiriasi nuo kitų indoeuropiečių kalbų.
Antrame straipsnio skirsnyje apžvelgiamos pagrindinės baltų ir slavų rankos pavadinimo etimologinės hipotezės. Ypatingas dėmesys skiriamas mažiau žinomai hipotezei, kuri aptariamas formas kildina iš indoeuropietiškosios leksemos *penkwe. Franklino Horowitzo (1992) teigimu, šios leksemos pirminė reikšmė buvo ‘ranka’ ir tik vėliau leksema įgijo reikšmę ‘5’. Minėtas paaiškinimas galėtų atskleisti akivaizdų somatonimo ir skaitvardžio etimologinį / semantinį ryšį, tokį, koks pastebimas daugelyje pasaulio kalbų. Tačiau diskusijoje nurodoma, kad šiam etimologiniam spėjimui pagrįsti kyla tiek fonologinių, tiek darybinių sunkumų. Daroma prielaida, kad Horowitzo hipotezei negalima pritarti. Antra vertus, kitos straipsnyje apžvelgiamos hipotezės lieka tikėtinos. Ypač klasikinė hipotezė (lie. rankà < riñkti), kuriai galima rasti nominacijos paralelių kitose ide. kalbose.
Paskutiniame skirsnyje teigiama, kad straipsnyje nagrinėjamas somatonimas laikytinas baltiška inovacija. Novatoriški aspektai yra: i) leksemos semantinė apimtis (nuo peties iki pirštų galų), mat tai – išimtis ide. kalbose (plg. Brown 2005), ii) tarp leksemų ranka ir koja nėra giminės opozicijos, plg. ši opozicija vyrauja įvairiose ide. Kalbose ir yra laikoma archajišku bruožu. Inovacija laikytina baltiška forma, nes daugelyje pasaulio kalbų reikšmei ‘rinkti’ galima rekonstruoti bendrą šaknį (plg. Alinei 1996, 525–526), o šaknis *(w)renk- liudyta tik baltų kalbose (tiksliau – lietuvių kalboje). Todėl somatonimą, sukurtą šios šaknies pagrindu, slavai tikriausiai pasiskolino baltų ir slavų bendrystės laikotarpiu iš baltų (plg. Sabaliauskas 1966, 10).
U članku se raspravlja o istrorumunjskim nazivima koji se tiču tiještenja maslina. Obuhvaćeni su nazivi iz svih mjesta u kojima se još uvijek govori istrorumunjski (Žejane, Šušnjevica, Nova Vas, ...Jesenovik, Letaj, Brdo, Škabići, Trkovci, Zankovci, Miheli i Kostrčan). Termini su leksikološki i etimološki obrađeni. Ukoliko je riječ o hrvatskim posuđenicama, svaka se uspoređuje sa sličnim nazivima u čakavskim govorima, a ako se radi o domaćem elementu, on se dovodi u svezu s oblicima u preostala tri rumunjska dijalekta (dačkorumunjski, arumunjski i meglenorumunjski). U obzir se uzimaju oblici cijele istočne jadranske obale što je s obzirom na kretanje Istrorumunja u povijesti opravdano ne bi li se utvrdilo jesu li Istrorumunji pojedini oblik preuzeli tek u Istri ili su ga donijeli iz Cetinske krajine. Na kraju svakog članka pokušava se odrediti krajnji etimon (uglavnom praslavenski ili vulgarnolatinski). Radi lakšeg snalaženja u dodatku su članka dodana dva kazala, kazalo obrađenih istrorumunjskih naziva i kazalo krajnjih etimona.
Franciszek Ksawery Bohusz (1746–1820) was a philosopher, theologist, Jesuit, political activist, participant of the Kościuszko Uprising, member of the Warsaw Society of Friends of Science, honorary ...member of the Vilnius University, translator and publisher of the Napoleon Code, who was also the author of the thesis On the Origins of the Lithuanian Nation and Language (1808). The thesis was written in an effort to save from forgetting the traditions of the people whose language, as the author noted, gradually “diminished” and “faded” at the beginning of the nineteenth century, being crowded out by Polish which was used in various areas of everyday life. Bohusz’s work turned out to be a significant voice, a testament which raised interest of many Lithuanian culture researchers. It contributed to the longterm study of the history of the Lithuanian nation and language by numerous Vilnius University professors and students.
V prispevku prikazujemo izbrane istrskoslovenske narečne izraze za ptice iz družine rac in gosi (Anatidae), reda plojkokljunov (Anseriformes). Istrskoslovenske ornitonime smo zbrali po vprašalnici, ...ki je bila podlaga za pripravo slovarja Lexicon ornitologicum Histriae slovenicae (LOHS). Prvo raziskavo je opravil Goran Filpi, in sicer v osemdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja, druge, novejše podatke, pa je zbrala Suzana Todorović leta 2009 v okviru svoje doktorske disertacije.2 Ornitonimi, ki jih je Suzana Todorović zapisala v Novi vasi, so bili objavljeni v IbLA, tisti, ki jih je zapisala v Borštu, pa v LAIČaG. Avtorja sta zbrano gradivo primerjala, izraze etimološko analizirala in prikazala, katere izraze Istrani še uporabljajo oz. katere so opustili ali jih nadomestili z drugimi poimenovanji.
Pričujoči članek se posveča etimologiji besede чекор 'korak', kijo s takim pomenom in besedotvorno zgradbo pozna le makedonščina. Ker se ista beseda z naglasom na zadnjem zlogu ter pomeni 'suho, ...krivo drevo', 'stor' in 'korenina' pojavlja v jugovzhodni makedonščini ter nekaterih bolgarskih narečjih, bomo poskusili ti dve besedi izvesti iz istega korena in analizirati njun prvotni pomen.
full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English
The present paper consists of two parts. The first one is dedicated to the etymology of the Lithuanian noun perkūnas (“thunder, ...thunderbolt”). According to the author, perkūnas is a derivative with a possessive suffix -Hon- / -Hn from the IDE *perkwu-s (“oak”). The second part concerns the origin of the Lithuanian aitvaras (“supernatural being,” OLith. aitvaras). The analyzed noun is an instance of the so-called Caland system in the Baltic languages, and it traces back to the older compound word with the meaning *“being bestowed with flaming power.”
straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba
Straipsnyje aptariamos perkūno ir aitvaro (slie. aitivaro) etimologijos. Abu daiktavardžiai vertinami kaip naujadarai, bet abiejų žodžių daryba pagrįsta iš ide. prokalbės paveldėtais darybiniais procesais.
Dainavà. MEANING, HISTORY AND ORIGIN OF THE NAMESummarySeveral villages in Southern Lithuania bear the name Dainavà (acc. sg. Daĩnavą). There is a village of this name, inhabitated by the ...Lithuanians, also in Byelorussia, in Grodno region, Zietela district (in Byelorussian Dziatlovo as well as Diatlovo). The name is attested in 13th c. historical sources written in Latin: Deynowe, Denowe. In 16th c. Russian chronicles we find Doinova (Дойнова). It has been long ago assumed by investigators that this was the Lithuanian name for the Yatvingians, a tribe of the Western Balts. In addition to this, there are ten villages in Aukštaičiai (in the Highlands of Lithuania) called Dainiaĩ. It was suggested by historians that in some cases these villages got the name from the name plur. *dainiaĩ (sg. *dainỹs) of the population of the Dainava region.In Lithuanian there are adjectives dienì and dienė̃ „pregnant, with calf, in foal” (< *dēin(i)i̯o-), used, e. g., in dienì kárvė „cow, that calves“, dienì kumẽlė „mare in foal“.Lith. diẽndaržis „cattleyard; enclosure“ etymologically correspond to Latv. dìendā̀rzs, dìendā̀rzs2, diendaržis „cattlehurdle“. They are compounds that contain Baltic * diena, *diene (acc. sg. *diẽną, *diẽnę) subst. fem. „cow“ and Lith. dar̃žas, Latv. dā̀rzs „kitchen-garden“. It is possible to reconstruct East Baltic * diena, * diene (acc. sg. * diẽną, *diẽnę) subst. fem. „cow“ which derive from Protobaltic nouns *dḗinā, *dḗinē subst. fem. „cow“.In the East Latvian dialects we found atdiẽne „a cow, that calves in the second year“, adaine, atdaîne „a cow, that calves in the second year“, which contain a prefix at- and Baltic *diena, *diene subst. fem. „cow“ respectively *dā́inē „cow“.OInd. dhenúḥ fem. „(milk) cow; female“, Avesta daēnu- fem. „female“, u stem, OInd. dhénā fem. „female; milk-cow; brests“, ā stem, seem to be etymological cognates of these Baltic words.So there are good grounds for believing that the name of the inhabitants of the former region Dainava pl. * dainiaĩ (sg. *dainỹs, acc. sg. *dáinin < *dāinin) with a primitive meaning „cow-herds, cow-boys“ in historical-comparative aspect is connected with *dā́inē „cow“. From the very outset, the name pl. *dainiaĩ with the suffix *-(i)i̯o- evidently must have meant tribesmen as countable members of a tribe. Dainavà, Dainuvà, derivatives with the suffixes –ava/-uva, might have been collective names for the ethnic group as an indivisible whole.It seems that the names Dainavà, Dainuvà have etymologically nothing to do with the hydronyms Dainavà Daĩn-upis etc., as has been assumed by some scholars, then they may represent quite a different root. They are most likely derived with a suffix -n- from the root *deih1- „spank along, dash, speed along; turn, go round“, which is attested in Latv. diêt (deju) „to dance; to jump (about), leap; to sing“, OInd. dī́yati „he flies, soars“, Gr. δινέω, δινεύω „to turn, twist, swing...“.
POLESIE: “ALONG THE FOREST“, „ALONG THE VALLEY“ OR „LAND OF GREAT SWAMPS“?SummaryPolesie is a territory inhabited by speakers of an Eastern Slavonic dialect called „Poleshuk“, stretching across ...southern Belarus, northern Ukraine, several neighboring western regions of Russia and part of the western headwaters of Poland’s section of the Pripet River.The Polesie region is extremely significant for the history of old contacts between Balts and Slavs, because of its linguistic peculiarities and archaeological monuments, which offer evidence that this could have been the zone where Balts and Slavs first met, the strongest traces of which were impressed in the local place names.The abundance of Baltic traces in the Polesie region calls for greater attention to the origin of the name Polesie itself.This article presents arguments casting doubt on the Slavic origin of the name: supposedly Polesie = Slav. (R.) po- + les- (по- + лес-) „along the forest“, from R. лес „forest“, cf. по-бережье „along the shore“, etc. Even those linguists who tend toward maintaining that the etymology is based on „forest“ try to connect Polesie with Baltic hydronyms such as Pala, Pelesa and others, which etymologically have nothing in common with the meaning „forest.“Based on appellative and onomastic constructions of the Baltic pal-/pel- root and borrowings of these in the Slavic languages, it is suggested that the proper name Polesie needs to be considered as part of the heritage of the Baltic substrate, a word whose „ancestors“ could have been either a hydronym with the affix -es- (e.g., Pelesa), or a geographic term meaning „large swamp“, cf. Lith. palà „marsh or morass, bog, swamp“, palios „large swamp in places where lakes have been overgrown, wasteland“, Latv. palas, paļas „marshy lake shore“ and others. Similar typological/semantic parallels exist in other regions, cf. Pannonia „historical Roman province in the area of the present-day lake Balaton“, whose title *Pannona is sought in the appellative meaning of „swamp, bog“ in the Illyrian language, cf. Baltic (Prussian) pannean „swamp“.A Baltic origin for Polesie is also strengthened by the fact that a large portion of the borrowings from the Baltic substrate in the various Eastern Slavonic languages are comprised of words for wet, low and swampy places, e.g.: alos, алес „swamp, marsh, quagmire“ (Polish, Belarusian, Russian, Ukrainian); kudra, кудра „forest in a swamp, small lake“ (Polish, Belarusian, Rus., Ukr.); pelka, пелька „swamp, depression“ (cf. Lith. pelkė „swamp“) (Polish, Belarusian, Rus., Ukr.); rojst(o), ройст(а) „swampy place, bog, fen“ (Polish, Belarusian, Rus.); твань/тваль „swampy place, quagmire“; R. пурвиж „peatbog“, банда „an overgrown lake filled with crucian carp)“, лом(a)/(o) ламы́ „swamp, bog, fen, marshy meadow“, дребь/дреб „fen, swampy place overgrown with forest“ and so on.In light of the semantic/typological, etymological and areal features of the toponym Polesie there is strong basis to the claim that it is of Baltic origin and possibly meant „land of great swamps“, while the semantic connections with „forest“ arose later, following inhabitation of the land by the Eastern Slavic tribes and their adoption of the local Baltic toponyms.
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