Globalisation and market reforms have made foreign policymaking a more inclusive and multilayered process. Para-diplomacy and emergence of empowered federating/component units engaging in ...international interaction call for recalibration of theories and understating of International Relations. The debate over central control versus unit autonomy raised the concern: whether para-diplomacy will turn out to be an asset or a threat for the sovereign state. While state may reap benefits of economic development, para-diplomacy may yet lead to regional imbalance, ethnic mobilisation and separatism. With the focus being shifted to Asia with respect to expanding market and sphere of influence, this article analyses the experience of para-diplomacy between India and China as well as of both with the USA. In doing so, reference is drawn to the past experiences of the West to understand how para-diplomacy took root and how is it practised in different contexts. Considering the economic, political and social implications of para-diplomatic practices in specific contexts, the article concludes with an attempt to find out the institutional space it may tread and the policy options it may hold out especially for India.
By the end of 2015 it would be reached a 20 years after the General Framework Agreement to the Peace in B&H, known as Dayton Peace Accord, was signed, by which the Republic of Srpska was ...internationally recognized. Taking these facts into consideration, the most important what Srpska has lost in that period is analysed firstly in this paper. After that, the central part of the paper is dedicated to the actual question of mechanism of coordination in the process of association of B&H to the European Union. In that part of the paper, after short comparative review of experience that some states with complex state structure has about that question, the mechanism of coordination is dealt with from the viewpoint of interests of the Republic of Srpska, and taking in mind the dangers of it for the Republic of Srpska. In final part of the paper the principles which should be observed by the Srpska in that process are exposed, in order to prevent that this mechanism of coordination do net serve as a new one instrument for constitutional desubstantialization of the Republic of Srpska.
Distribuição espacial da desigualdade de gênero no Brasil Lima, Patrícia Verônica Pinheiro Sales; Sousa, Marina Rocha de; Khan, Ahmad Saeed ...
Revista internacional interdisciplinar INTERthesis,
07/2015, Letnik:
12, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
The purpose of this article was to analyze how gender inequality is distributed all over the Brazil. To that end, it has been built the Multidimensional Gender Inequality Index (MGII), a synthetic ...index. The main findings underlined that inequality between men and women manifests itself at different degrees in the federal units, but it is determined by a variety of common factors. The asymmetries are observed, mainly, in the political, labor and income dimensions.
O artigo tem como objetivo analisar como a desigualdade de gênero encontra-se distribuída entre as unidades federativas do Brasil. Para tanto, optou-se pela construção de um índice sintético nomeado de Índice Multidimensional de Desigualdade de Gênero (IMDG). Os principais resultados apontaram que a desigualdade entre homens e mulheres se manifesta com diferentes graus nas unidades federativas, mas é determinada por fatores comuns. As assimetrias são observadas, principalmente, nas dimensões política, trabalho e renda.
El artículo pretende analizar cómo la desigualdad de género se distribuye entre las unidades federales de Brasil. Para ello, se optó por elaborar un índice sintético llamado Índice Multidimensional de Desigualdad de Género (IMDG). Los principales resultados muestran que la desigualdad entre hombres y mujeres se manifiesta con diferentes grados en las unidades federativas, pero es determinada por factores comunes. Las diferencias más notables residen en las dimensiones política, trabajo e ingresos.
Our time is characterized, among other things, by different kind of processes of associating of states in the world, as well as their integration into different international organisations. To the ...area where we live, and as it has been shown many time in political practice, striving that this area be integrated into European Union structures is of special importance. One of the questions related to that striving, the question that is being put for a long time, is not only what kind of governmental structure has Bosnia and Herzegovina but with what kind of governmental structure this state can become a member of European Union. This paper is devoted to this question. In the work the author, inter alia, points out on the experiences of the states (Belgium and Spain) whose complex governmental structure is not obstacle for their membership in European Union. For that reason neither Dayton Constitution is obstacle for membership of Bosnia and Herzegovina in that organisation (it is not obstacle for membership of this state in other international organisation as well), and exactly this is a main message of this paper.
FISCAL DECENTRALIZATION Milan Počuča; Darko Golić
Pravo, teorija i praksa,
04/2008, Letnik:
25, Številka:
3-4
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
The distribution of public income on different state institutions is of decisive importance. If not based on the principals that are the foundation of a state, what is obvious in the distribution of ...competence and the ways of their accomplishing, it will be a constant source of conflicts, an obstacle for development and a cause that may bring disintegration process. Taxes provide a spectrum of extra fiscal means. They may solve many economic, social but also political problems. Therefore, it is important to improve the system of fiscal decentralization. The system of bound separation for the largest number of incomes and participation in aboundant resources have been introduced in the countries similar to our. An exception is a free separation that is the most optimal mean for regulating the relations on different levels of a state.
U svakoj zemlji postoji stalan interes za ustav kao najviši pravni i politički akt, i
temeljni zakon države. Kao opća stvar u kojoj je sadržan odgovor na vječito pitanje odnosa
čovjeka i vlasti, taj ...dijalog o ustavu je poželjan i dragocjen. Međutim, u povijesti ustavnosti
postojali su najrazličitiji ustavi u različitim državama. Ustavi su nerijetko bili izraz i pokušaj
izlaska iz kriza i predstavljali dio novog početka nakon kriznog razdoblja. Jedni su uspijevali
i njihove norme su se oživotvorile, dok su drugi postajali ono što u teoriji nazivamo semantičkim
ustavom – ustavom samo po nazivu – koji se ostvaruje u praksi, nego prevladava
ustavno-politička zbilja realnog ustava, koja pretežito ili u potpunosti odudara od njegovih
zapisanih načela i normi. Tako pojedini ustavi, umjesto da predstavljaju solidan pravni temelj
u posredovanju neminovnih političkih sukoba u svakoj političkoj zajednici, reproduciraju nove
i jednostavno prebacuju paket neriješenih političkih problema novim generacijama.
Svaki ugovor o Ustavu Bosne i Hercegovine, iz ma kojeg kutka gledanja, mene vodi prema
krucijalnom ustavnom problemu vezanom uz oblik državnog uređenja. Teritorijalna
organizacija vlasti poznaje samo dva rješenja: federalnu i unitarnu vlast. Bogato teorijsko i
praktično iskustvo federalizma ni do danas nema jednoznačnih odgovora. Unutar krajnjih
teorijskih granica izdvajaju se federalne jedinice, koje su uz građane konstitutivni elementi
federalne države. U tim okvirima svaka je federacija priča za sebe, i predstavlja „cvijet vlastitog
tla“, kao vlastiti pokušaj složenog odgovora na složenu zbilju. Mogu li nam pojedini
primjeri biti od koristi ili predstavljati uzore? Mislim da se odgovor nameće sam po sebi i na
temelju ovih nekoliko uvodnih rečenica. Belgija (1993.) i Bosna i Hercegovina (Washington
1994. – Dayton 1995.) su dvije najmlađe federacije na svijetu.
Belgija je iz unitarne države, devolutivnim putem kroz četiri sukcesivne ustavne reforme
(1970. – 1993.), prešla put k federalnoj državi. Bosna i Hercegovina je oktroiranim washingtonsko-
daytonskim međunarodnim mirovnim sporazumima preoblikovana u ultrasloženu,
asimetričnu i nefunkcionalnu federalnu državu. Sukob (kon)federalista i antifederalista
(unitarista) za cijelo to vrijeme ne prestaje i postaje svakim danom sve žešći, što je državu
gurnulo u najveću ustavnu krizu, kojoj se ne nazire niti rasplet niti kraj.
Može li se otvoriti novi dijalog o ustavu i reformi i mogu li nam tu pomoći iskustva Belgije,
pokušat ću dati odgovor, posebno se zaustavljajući na problemima, proturječjima i zabludama
vezanim uz pokušaje tzv. neteritorijalnog, odnosno personalnog federalizma.
Subject of this paper is a question which has not been written about in domestic and foreign literature so far. It is related to constitutional necessity of federal unit to have its criminal law ...norms by which its constitutional competencies and very existence of the federal unit are protected. With the aim to be better understood, the author of the paper has firstly explained the way how the Republic of Srpska was dispossessed of its constitutional competencies during the last twenty years, and how we may expect that the very existence of the Republic of Srpska can be put into question in the foreseeable future. In order to prevent such danger, the author explained in the paper his ideas on the norms of two new incriminations, which should be prescribed in Criminal Code of the Republic of Srpska. In final part of the paper the author has explained the way how without these incriminations not only its remainder constitutional competencies but the very existence of the Republic of Srpska is going to be left unprotected as a place exposed to the wind of internal and international (un)law.
Od početka agresije na Bosnu i Hercegovinu, točnije od 1991. godine vode se polemike
o ustavnom uređenju BiH. Mirovni planovi i sporazumi koji su trebali odrediti ustavno
uređenje BiH kao složene ...države nisu provedeni u djelo zbog različitog viđenja ustavnog
uređenja Bosne i Hercegovine od triju konstitutivnih naroda Hrvata, Srba i Bošnjaka/Muslimana.
Jedan od dva uvjeta za priznanje BiH bio je i Cutileirov plan, koji je BiH odredio kao
složenu državu sastavljenu od tri republike određene po etničkom principu. Taj dio plana u
djelo nisu proveli predsjednik Izetbegović i izabrani bošnjački političari iako je to bio uvjet
za priznanje samostalne i suverene BiH. Tri različita ustavna uređenja BiH koja zastupaju tri
konstitutivna naroda BiH se protežu od početka rata pa do danas. Ta tri uređenja su: Bošnjaci
– građansko uređenje; Hrvati – federalno uređenje; Srbi - vlastita država. Svi mirovni
planovi za BiH su, osim zadovoljavanja brojnih čimbenika poput gospodarskih, kulturnih,
vjerskih i drugih, uključivali prije svega i etnički čimbenik. Proglašenje svih planova za prekid
rata podjelom BiH od većine bošnjačkih političara i dijela međunarodne zajednice je još
jedan od pokušaja izgradnje BiH kao građanske države gdje bi vrijedilo pravilo jedan čovjek
– jedan glas. Daytonskim mirovnim sporazumom došlo je do prekida rata u BiH i uspostave
mira, ali nije došlo do uspostave održive i prosperitetne BiH. S novim ustavnim uređenjem,
koje je nužno za postizanje jednakopravnosti triju konstitutivnih naroda, Bosna i Hercegovina
bi ostvarila razvoj i bio bi joj olakšan pristup ulasku u Europsku uniju. Ostvarivanje
jednakopravnosti među konstitutivnim narodima BiH može biti ostvareno samo drugačijim
uređenjem Bosne i Hercegovine.
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