Što je normalna demokracija? O'Leary, Brendan
Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva,
04/2021, Letnik:
18, Številka:
1
Conference Proceeding
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Autor tvrdi da ne postoji tako nešto poput "normalne demokracije" te da odluka Europskog suda za ljudska prava u slučaju Sejdić-Finci ne uvažava dovoljno konsocijacijsku demokraciju kao jedan od ...legitimnih oblika demokracije. Kao što se ljudska prava moraju uravnotežiti jedna s drugima, tako se moraju uravnotežiti i s drugim vrijednostima, uključujući mir i stabilnost. Kao praktično rješenje u izborima tročlanoga kolektivnog predsjedništva u Bosni i Hercegovini, autor predlaže tri odvojena izbornička kolegija u trima teritorijalnim okruzima, što bi riješilo napetost između politički održivih aranžmana za podjelu vlasti i zahtjeva za poštivanjem ljudskih prava. Autor zaključuje kako je potrebno više moralne skromnosti kada se podijeljenim društvima daju inozemni politički savjeti o demokratskom ustavnom dizajnu.
Na temelju rezultata provedenih istraživanja donosi se preliminaran prikaz prostornog razvoja ugostiteljsko-turističkog sklopa u Kuparima u Župi dubrovačkoj. Sagledavajući prostorni razvoj zone, ...počevši od izrade prvoga investicijskog programa 1958. pa do početka ratnih zbivanja 1991., analiziraju se geneza i osnovna urbanistička obilježja smještajnih kapaciteta u cilju očuvanja i zaštite modernističke arhitekture.
The paper presents a preliminary analysis of the catering and tourist complex in Kupari, Župa Dubrovačka. The accommodation facilities are studied in the context of the spatial development of the area from the first investment program (1958) until the beginning of the war (1991) with emphasis on the original concept and urban-planning features. The research is a contribution to the preservation and protection of the modernist architecture legacy.
What is a Normal Democracy? O'Leary, Brendan
Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva,
2021, Letnik:
18, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
The author argues there is no such thing as a "normal democracy", and that the decision made by the European Court of Human Rights in Sejdić-Finci case does not pay enough respect to consociational ...democracy as one of the legitimate forms of democracy. As human rights have to be balanced against one another, they also have to be balanced against other values, including peace and stability. As the practical solution in the election of the three-person collective Presidency in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the author suggests three separate electoral colleges in the three territorial districts that would settle the tension between the politically viable power-sharing arrangements and the demand to respect human rights. The author concludes that more moral modesty is in place when foreign political advice in democratic constitutional design is issued for the divided societies.
Autor tvrdi da ne postoji tako nešto poput "normalne demokracije" te da odluka Europskog suda za ljudska prava u slučaju Sejdić-Finci ne uvažava dovoljno konsocijacijsku demokraciju kao jedan od legitimnih oblika demokracije. Kao što se ljudska prava moraju uravnotežiti jedna s drugima, tako se moraju uravnotežiti i s drugim vrijednostima, uključujući mir i stabilnost. Kao praktično rješenje u izborima tročlanoga kolektivnog predsjedništva u Bosni i Hercegovini, autor predlaže tri odvojena izbornička kolegija u trima teritorijalnim okruzima, što bi riješilo napetost između politički održivih aranžmana za podjelu vlasti i zahtjeva za poštivanjem ljudskih prava. Autor zaključuje kako je potrebno više moralne skromnosti kada se podijeljenim društvima daju inozemni politički savjeti o demokratskom ustavnom dizajnu.
Abstract
Consociational democracy rests on the idea of granting certain collective political rights to the most powerful ethno-cultural groups, in addition to the individual rights of political ...participation of all citizens. Despite its relative popularity among scholars and international policymakers alike, its collectivist ethos has long been exposed to critique on various grounds, including the perspective of international human rights law. The essence of this critique is the allegation that, by institutionalising ethno-cultural identity as the basis of political participation, consociational arrangements discriminate against persons not belonging to the dominant groups. Focusing on the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, this article argues that equality analysis of consociational democracies, if taken seriously, illuminates our thinking about the possible compromises between the extremes of liberal individualism of the human rights perspective and inherent collectivism of consociational thought and practice. The article concludes that such compromises are both possible and necessary, but they seem to invite the embracing of additional institutional complexity in devising consociational arrangements.
The author discusses the reasons for relativization of the national minorities protection policy of the Council of Europe and the European Union in light of the problems with national minorities ...protection in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The minorities protection policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina had implications for minority rights protection in Hungary and Croatia after Croatia’s accession to the EU . The European Union, the Council of Europe and other European institutions defined their position towards minority rights in light of the European Court for Human Rights decision in the Sejdić and Finci case. The decision specified mandatory constitutional changes in terms of equal protection of national minority rights. According to the demanded constitutional revisions, the representatives of national minorities would have a right to compete for legal and executive positions in the entire Bosnia and Herzegovina. Before the ECHR decision, only representatives of the three constituent peoples – Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats could be nominated for positions in the legislature and in the executive institutions. The Council of Europe mediated by CoE Parliamentarian Assembly and Committee of Ministers threatened to suspend BiH membership to the CoE until the decision was implemented. At the same time, coordinated European Union institutions made the ratification of the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) negotiated with Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2008 conditional upon the implementation of the Sejdić and Finci decision. The threat wasn’t carried through and BiH became presiding country of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe in 2014. In the meantime, the newly elected European Parliament as well as recently appointed European Commission accepted the SAA although the Sejdić-Finci decision was not incorporated in the constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Jakob Finci, chairman of the Jewish Community in Bosnia-Hercegovina, believes that, though announced for April next year, the census of the population, households, and apartments in ...Bosnia-Hercegovina will be postponed. He believes that one of the reasons is the result of the test census, which shows that many citizens of Bosnia-Hercegovina did not declare themselves members of one of the three constituent peoples, and that it is possible that the census results will show that the category, Other, yields a bigger figure than one of the three constituent peoples. "We need the census because the whole world needs to know whether this country needs new kindergartens and elementary schools or cemeteries and old people's homes. We know nothing about the people who live here. We only have estimates for the deceased, the emigrants... and if the census result is similar to the result of the test census, they will lose some of the members of their people who would opt to declare themselves as other. I think that we should not be surprised if the census is postponed until everybody checks how many people they have," Finci said in Sarajevo yesterday, participating in a workshop entitled, Journalists and Lawyers: Constitutional Reforms and Bosnia-Hercegovina's European Path, organized by European Academy Sarajevo.
Intervju s članovima projekta Motel Trogir Natašom Bodrožić, Lidijom Butković Mićin i Sašom Šimpragom.
Projekt Motel Trogir posvećen je istraživanju, zaštiti i afirmaciji moderne baštine i ...predstavlja spoj aktivističkog, znanstvenog i umjetničkog pristupa arhitekturi druge polovice 20. stoljeća, u prvome redu u Hrvatskoj, ali i na Sredozemlju. Projekt je nastao 2013. godine kao građanska kampanja za zaštitu motela arhitekta Ivana Vitića izgrađenog u Trogiru 1965. godine. Okuplja suradnike iz različitih polja i disciplina, a djeluje kroz udrugu Slobodne veze iz Zagreba. Tekst stavlja fokus na publikacije o splitskom kompleksu Koteks-Gripe i modernoj arhitekturi grada Trogira te istraživanja o opusu arhitekta Davida Fincija i aktivnosti na zaštiti Kuće pokraj mora u Tunisu, arhitekta Ivana Prtenjaka. Svi istraživački poduhvati nastali u sklopu aktivnosti projekta su pionirski.
Premda se cjelokupna graditeljska baština u Republici Hrvatskoj svakodnevno suočava s različitim izazovima i problemima, arhitektura modernizma posebno je osjetljiva kategorija budući da se ona još ...uvijek nedovoljno percipira kao nasljeđe. Tek je krajem 20. stoljeća moderna arhitektura kao kulturna baština postala bitna tema u konzervatorskim krugovima, pa je i na UNESCO-vu listu tada uvršten veći broj modernističkih građevina. No stvari sporo napreduju. Društveno neodgovorno upravljanje ili, preciznije, neznanje i nerazumijevanje spregnuti s političkim i privatnim interesima i potpomognuti nebrigom i snažnim pritiskom kapitala, modernističku arhitekturu redovito izlažu nesavjesnim i grubim postupanjima, neprikladnim zahvatima i rušenjima, kao i neprimjerenim intervencijama u njen sadržaj, što joj u većoj ili manjoj mjeri poništava najvrjednije značajke, postavljajući je na sam vrh liste ugrožene graditeljske baštine. Dubrovačka arhitektura 20. stoljeća od neprijeporne je važnosti za ukupno sagledavanje kontinuiteta stvaranja arhitekture na području grada i njegove okolice. Nažalost, danas je značajan broj tih građevina stambene, javne i društvene, a osobito turističke namjene u lošem stanju te je izložen daljnjem propadanju i devastacijama. Tekst nadvodi dva primjera – hotel Pelegrin u Kuparima arhitekta Davida Fincija i Grand hotel na Lopudu arhitekta Nikole Dobrovića.
Kojovic We hope that common sense will prevail among elected members of the City Council, and that they will do something good for this city and vote for Jakob Finci, who is a non-partisan candidate. ...His appointment would not just put an end to the deurbanization of Sarajevo, which has been going on for years; it would also send a clear message that there are political forces in this country that can resolve the problem of the Sejdic-Finci ruling both in theory and practice. Voting for Finci would also in a way mark the start of gathering of the political forces who think that the phase in which the members of the so-called "constituent peoples" were more equal than B-H citizens is over. It would also mean that the bloc being formed for the 2014 election is founded on the political principle that the state of Bosnia-Hercegovina is only possible as a country of equal citizens and peoples. Passage omitted: Kojovic talks about media attacks on Our Party's Varja Nikolic We are hoping that the responsible authority is going to accept our complaint about the wrong use of terms of "nation" and "ethnic group" as synonyms. This is what we have right now in the census form, which is in contravention of the international legal definition of these terms. Ultimately, each of us, each citizen of Bosnia-Hercegovina, has an ID card that shows our nationality, and this should not change. I hope that those who want to equalize the ethnic with the national are willing to assume responsibility for the logical consequences of this line of reasoning. The consequences would be that Bosnia-Hercegovina, following the census, would be defined as a multinational, not a multiethnic state. Pursuant to international law, each nation would be entitled to self-determination that goes all the way to secession. I would like to stress that this right belongs to nations, not to ethnic groups.
The author discusses the reasons for relativization of the national minorities protection policy of the Council of Europe and the European Union in light of the problems with national minorities ...protection in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The minorities protection policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina had implications for minority rights protection in Hungary and Croatia after Croatia’s accession to the EU . The European Union, the Council of Europe and other European institutions defined their position towards minority rights in light of the European Court for Human Rights decision in the Sejdić and Finci case. The decision specified mandatory constitutional changes in terms of equal protection of national minority rights. According to the demanded constitutional revisions, the representatives of national minorities would have a right to compete for legal and executive positions in the entire Bosnia and Herzegovina. Before the ECHR decision, only representatives of the three constituent peoples – Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats could be nominated for positions in the legislature and in the executive institutions. The Council of Europe mediated by CoE Parliamentarian Assembly and Committee of Ministers threatened to suspend BiH membership to the CoE until the decision was implemented. At the same time, coordinated European Union institutions made the ratification of the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) negotiated with Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2008 conditional upon the implementation of the Sejdić and Finci decision. The threat wasn’t carried through and BiH became presiding country of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe in 2014. In the meantime, the newly elected European Parliament as well as recently appointed European Commission accepted the SAA although the Sejdić-Finci decision was not incorporated in the constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
PDF
