Each of four theoretical traditions in the study of American politics—which can be characterized as theories of Majoritarian Electoral Democracy, Economic-Elite Domination, and two types of ...interest-group pluralism, Majoritarian Pluralism and Biased Pluralism—offers different predictions about which sets of actors have how much influence over public policy: average citizens; economic elites; and organized interest groups, mass-based or business-oriented. A great deal of empirical research speaks to the policy influence of one or another set of actors, but until recently it has not been possible to test these contrasting theoretical predictions against each other within a single statistical model. We report on an effort to do so, using a unique data set that includes measures of the key variables for 1,779 policy issues. Multivariate analysis indicates that economic elites and organized groups representing business interests have substantial independent impacts on U.S. government policy, while average citizens and mass-based interest groups have little or no independent influence. The results provide substantial support for theories of Economic-Elite Domination and for theories of Biased Pluralism, but not for theories of Majoritarian Electoral Democracy or Majoritarian Pluralism.
Introduction. This article is devoted to studying the influence of the Soviet “economic offensive” factor in the 1950s on the formation of the New World Economic Order by the American by the American ...ruling elite in general and the use of such an important tool as foreign assistance in particular in the framework of this process. The reconstruction of this process makes it possible to clarify the specifics of the foreign policy decision-making mechanism in the United States, to identify the ideological approaches of main political interest groups to the goals and methods of building a new world order. Methods and materials. The study uses a group analysis approach as well as American executive and legislative documents, press material, speeches by key politicians, etc., to identify the reasons for the differences among representatives of the three leading interest groups in interpreting the nature of the Soviet “economic offensive” in the Third World countries. Analysis. These differences were primarily due to the possibility of using the factor of the Soviet “aggression” for conducting domestic propaganda campaigns as part of the interest groups struggle for control over the foreign assistance program. Thus, the representatives of the atlantists group claimed that the main threat from the Communist world remained in the military sphere; the globalist-oriented progressives insisted that the Soviet “economic offensive” was a critical danger to U.S. interests, while conservatives declared that the “myths” about the Soviet-communist threats to the United States in the Third World were invalid. Results. In the second half of the 1950s the group of progressives used the factor of the Soviet “economic offensive” more effectively in the framework of their campaigns (there were four of them), which allowed them to take control over the foreign assistance program and begin to reorient the American strategic course from the prevailing ideology of “mutual security” towards the global developmentalism.
Scholars of mobilisation and policy influence employ two quite different approaches to mapping interest group systems. Those interested in research questions on mobilisation typically rely on a ...bottom-up mapping strategy in order to characterise the total size and composition of interest group communities. Researchers with an interest in policy influence usually rely on a top-down strategy in which the mapping of politically active organisations depends on samples of specific policies. But some scholars also use top-down data gathered for other research questions on mobilisation (and vice versa). However, it is currently unclear how valid such large-N data for different types of research questions are. We illustrate our argument by addressing these questions using unique data sets drawn from the INTEREURO project on lobbying in the European Union and the European Union’s Transparency Register. Our findings suggest that top-down and bottom-up mapping strategies lead to profoundly different maps of interest group communities.
In recent years there has been growing recognition of the role played in American politics by groups such as Common Cause, the Sierra Club, and Zero Population Growth. This book considers their work ...in terms of their origins and development, resources, patterns of recruitment, decision-making processes, and lobbying tactics.
How do public interest groups select the issues on which they work? How do they allocate their resources? How do they choose strategies for influencing the federal government? Professor Berry examines these questions, focusing in particular on the process by which organizations make critical decisions. His findings are based on a survey of eighty-three national organizations with offices in Washington, D.C. He analyzes in detail the operation of two groups in which he worked as a participant.
Originally published in 1977.
ThePrinceton Legacy Libraryuses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
Analisando os stakeholders das universidades Gesser, Graziele Alano; Cardoso, Thuine Lopes; Moraes, Mário César Barreto ...
GeSec : Revista de Gestão e Secretariado,
09/2023, Letnik:
14, Številka:
3
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Esse artigo teve como objetivo analisar o estado da arte dos estudos publicados no Brasil sobre a relação entre as universidades e seus stakeholders. Trata-se de um estudo predominantemente ...qualitativo, descritivo e bibliográfico que utilizou a técnica de Revisão Sistemática da Literatura. Para a seleção do portfólio bibliográfico, a busca por publicações foi realizada na base Scielo, com os vocábulos “stakeholder” e “universidade” e suas variações. Seguindo o protocolo de pesquisa, a busca retornou um portfólio composto por 30 artigos. Após uma pré-análise dessa amostra, primeiramente a partir da exclusão das publicações duplicadas, seguida da leitura dos resumos, restaram apenas treze artigos para análise. Embora somente três artigos do portfólio tenham apresentado os termos stakeholder(s) ou ator(es) em seus objetivos ou questões, notou-se que todos eles abordaram uma temática específica da gestão da universidade sob a perspectiva de um ou mais grupos de interesse específicos. A presente pesquisa revelou uma diversidade de atores principais evidenciados em cada estudo, o que resulta dos diversos micro-ambientes (unidades acadêmicas e administrativas) e seus stakeholders específicos. Concluiu-se que a multiplicidade de atores e grupos de interesse com diferentes objetivos e demandas, exige das IES o desenvolvimento de estratégias para gestão específicas, conforme a percepção dos atores envolvidos.
Legislative Staff and Representation in Congress HERTEL-FERNANDEZ, ALEXANDER; MILDENBERGER, MATTO; STOKES, LEAH C.
The American political science review,
02/2019, Letnik:
113, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Legislative staff link Members of Congress and their constituents,
theoretically facilitating democratic representation. Yet, little
research has examined whether Congressional staff actually ...recognize
the preferences of their Members’ constituents. Using an original
survey of senior US Congressional staffers, we show that staff
systematically mis-estimate constituent opinions. We then evaluate
the sources of these misperceptions, using observational analyses
and two survey experiments. Staffers who rely more heavily on
conservative and business interest groups for policy information
have more skewed perceptions of constituent opinion. Egocentric
biases also shape staff perceptions. Our findings complicate
assumptions that Congress represents constituent opinion, and help
to explain why Congress often appears so unresponsive to ordinary
citizens. We conclude that scholars should focus more closely on
legislative aides as key actors in the policymaking process, both in
the United States and across other advanced democracies.
Although authoritarian countries often repress independent citizen activity, lobbying by civil society organizations is actually a widespread phenomenon. Using case studies such as China, Russia, ...Belarus, Cambodia, Malaysia, Montenegro, Turkey, and Zimbabwe, Lobbying the Autocrat shows that citizen advocacy organizations carve out niches in the authoritarian policy process, even influencing policy outcomes. The cases cover a range of autocratic regime types (one-party, multi-party, personalist) on different continents, and encompass different systems of government to explore citizen advocacy ranging from issues such as social welfare, women’s rights, election reform, environmental protection, and land rights. They show how civil society has developed adaptive capacities to the changing levels of political repression and built resilience through ‘tactful contention’ strategies. Thus, within the bounds set by the authoritarian regimes, adaptive lobbying may still bring about localized responsiveness and representation. However, the challenging conditions of authoritarian advocacy systems identified throughout this volume present challenges for both advocates and autocrats alike. The former are pushed by an environment of constant threat and uncertainty into a precarious dance with the dictator: just the right amount of acquiescence and assertiveness, private persuasion and public pressure, and the flexibility to change quickly to suit different situations. An adaptive lobbyist survives and may even thrive in such conditions, while others often face dire consequences. For the autocrat on the other hand, the more they stifle the associational sphere in an effort to prevent mass mobilization, the less they will reap the informational benefits associated with it. This volume synthesizes the findings of the comparative cases to build a framework for understanding how civil society effectively lobbies inside authoritarian countries.
Palabras Claves: Mujeres, participación política, feminismos, Malleco, Cautín Abstract This article analyzes womens participation and political organization in the provinces of Malleco and Cautín ...from 1930 to 1950 in an international context marked by the presence of womens and feminist movements that demanded civil and political rights. The research results show that women organized themselves politically in a diversity of tendencies, linking themselves to the traditional parties, but also building their associations. Las provincias de Cautín y Malleco -que son el foco de esta investigación- forman parte del territorio de La Araucanía, geo denominación dada por el Estado chileno luego de la ocupación cívico-militar del territorio mapuche4, proceso denominado como 'Pacificación' por la historiografía conservadora y marcado por el despojo material y cultural que vivió el pueblo Mapuche de su territorio (Nahuelpán 2012; Pineda 2014), además del avance del colonialismo interno (González 2006; Nahuelpán y Antimil 2019). Sin embargo, Calfio (2009) indica que esta visión es reduccionista, ya que, si bien estos espacios eran de orden femenino, efectivamente ellas tenían grados de dominio mayor que los que les asignaban los cronistas, lo que era patente en su autonomía económica y manejo de múltiples oficios. Otro aspecto interesante es la sexualidad, ya que en ese plano las mujeres mapuche disfrutaban de mayor libertad que las mujeres cristianas, sobre todo en su etapa de soltería (Reulel 2016; Calfio 2012; Subercaseaux 2016).
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