National minorities and their behaviour have become a central topic in comparative politics in the last few decades. Using the relationship between the state of Israel and the Arab national minority ...as a case study, this book provides a thorough examination of minority nationalism and state-minority relations in Israel.
Placing the case of the Arab national minority in Israel within a comparative framework, the author analyses major debates taking place in the field of collective action, social movements, civil society and indigenous rights. He demonstrates the impact of the state regime on the political behaviours of the minorities, and sheds light on the similarities and differences between various types of minority nationalisms and the nature of the relationship such minorities could have with their states.
Drawing empirical and theoretical conclusions that contribute to studies of Israeli politics, political minorities, indigenous populations and conflict issues, this book will be a valuable reference for students and those in policy working on issues around Israeli politics, Palestinian politics and the broader Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
Druzowie są jedną z nielicznych, obok Beduinów i Czerkiesów, autochtonicznych mniejszości etnicznych mogących służyć w armii izraelskiej (Izraelskie Siły Obrony – IDF). Jest to ludność lojalna wobec ...tego państwa od jego początków. Artykuł ten ma dwa podstawowe cele. Pierwszym jest oczywiście opisanie historii, zasad i znaczenia służby Druzów, przy okazji przybliżenie historii tej mniejszości w Izraelu. Drugim jest pytanie o obecną sytuację Druzów i politykę Izraela w stosunku do swoich mniejszości narodowych, zwłaszcza po przyjęciu tzw. Nationality Bill, na przykładzie Druzów właśnie.
A Raid on the Red Sea is the thrilling, real-life tale of
illegal gun-running in the Middle East. In this firsthand account,
Amos Gilboa gives the harrowing details of the secret close-working
...relations between Israeli and American intelligence in the seizure
of the Karine A ship, the most successful Israeli
intelligence operation since the legendary Entebbe hostage rescue.
At 0400 hours, January 3, 2002, two fast boats of Israel's naval
commando unit closed in on the stern of the Palestinian Authority's
Karine A . The Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps
had clandestinely loaded its cargo: fifty-six tons of high-grade,
long-range weapons destined for the Gaza Strip. The Israelis' plan
to seize it went awry when they found nothing but a confused group
of Egyptians, Jordanians, and Palestinians. Had they boarded the
wrong ship? Was there going to be an international incident
disgracing Israel? This drama has more than its share of plot
twists. The story's hero, a low-level female intelligence analyst,
was the first to grasp the grave danger posed by the Karine
A . Analyzing piles of disinformation, she kept on the scent of
the ship, tracking it from Egypt to Sudan to Dubai. Only through
the joint efforts of Israeli and U.S. naval intelligence, Mossad
and the CIA, was the ship stopped and calamity averted. Seizing the
ship led to a fateful reorientation of U.S. policy regarding the
Middle East with consequences to this day, from the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict to the 2020 assassination of Islamic
Revolutionary Guard Corps Quds Force chief Qasem Soleimani.
How did the Ultraorthodox (Haredi) community chart a new path
for its future after it lost the core of its future leaders,
teachers, and rabbis in the Holocaust? How did the revival of this
group ...come into being in the new Zionist state of Israel?
In Holocaust Memory in Ultraorthodox Society in Israel ,
Michal Shaul highlights the special role that Holocaust survivors
played as they rebuilt and consolidated Ultraorthodox society.
Although many Haredi were initially theologically opposed to the
creation of Israel, they have become a significant force in the
contemporary life and politics of the country. Looking at personal
and public experiences of Ultraorthodox survivors in the first
years of emigration from liberated Europe and breaking down how
their memories entered the public domain, Shaul documents how they
were incorporated into the collective memories of the Ultraorthodox
in Israel.
Holocaust Memory in Ultraorthodox Society in Israel
offers a rare mix of empathy and scholarly rigor to understandings
of the role that the community's collective memories and survivor
mentality have played in creating Israel's national identity.
Politički profil Golde Meir Luka Nešković
A priori (Online),
11/2022, Letnik:
2, Številka:
2
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
U ovom radu želimo ukazati na glavne odrednice spoljne politike Golde Meir, jedne od osnivača države Izrael, i premijerke u periodu od 1969. do 1974. god. Izazovi sa kojima se Izrael u ovim godinama ...suočavao ogledao se u masovnim gubicima tokom Jomkipurskog rata i, uprkos pobjedi, prenošenju krivice na vodeće čelnike izraelske vlade. Rad se zasniva na oslobođenju Meir od kritika upućenih tokom njenog premijerskog mandata i periodu nakon Jomkipurskog rata. Ukazaće se na okolnosti u kojim se našla u kriznim momentima, kao i ispravnosti odluka povučenim sa takve pozicije. Takođe, rad se dotiče i znatno ranijeg perioda, još od tridesetih godina prošlog vijeka, tokom procesa pronalaska rješenja za formiranje jevrejske države na prostoru Palestine, u kojem je Meir, kao jedna od cionističkih lidera i liderki, imala zapaženu ulogu. Značajno je pomenuti i njen odgovor na Minhenski masakr, gdje je pored lične osvete za izraelske žrtve pokušala stati na put terorizmu. Najveća pažnja, međutim, posvećena je diplomatskim odnosima sa Sovjetskim Savezom, Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama i Evropom.
Within a short span of time in the course of the 1980s, the Supreme Court of Israel effected far-reaching changes in its legal doctrine and in the way it perceives its role among the state's ...branches. This book locates those changes in the context of the great historical process that took shape in Israel in the second half of the 1970s: the decline of the political, social, and cultural hegemony of the labor movement, and the renewal of the struggle over the future orientation of the country's culture. Two social groups have confronted each other at the heart of this struggle: a secular group that is aiming to strengthen Israel's ties to Western liberalism, and a religious group intent on associating Israel's culture with traditional Jewish heritage and the Halakhah. The Supreme Court — the institution most closely identified with liberalism since the establishment of the state — collaborated with the former group in its struggle against the latter. The story of the Court serves as the axis of another two stories. The first deals with the struggle over the cultural identity of the Jewish people throughout the course of modernity. The second is the story of the struggle over the cultural identity of Israeli law, which took place throughout the 20th century. In addition to the divide between secular and religious Jews, there is a national divide in Israel between Jews and Arabs. These two divides are interrelated in complex ways which shape the unique traits of Israel's multicultural condition. The book ends with a few suggestions as to how, given this condition, Israel's regime, political culture and law should be constituted in the coming decades. The suggestions borrow from the discourses of liberalism, multiculturalism, and republicanism.
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