Workers' self-management was one of the unique features of communist Yugoslavia. Goran Musić has investigated the changing ways in which blue-collar workers perceived the recurring crises of the ...regime. Two self-managed metal enterprises, one in Serbia another in Slovenia, provide the frame of the analysis in the time span between 1945 and 1989. These two factories became famous for strikes in 1988 that evoked echoes in popular discourses in former Yugoslavia. Drawing on interviews, factory publications and other media, local archives, and secondary literature, Musić analyzes the two cases, going beyond the clichés of political manipulation from the top and workers' intrinsic attraction to nationalism. The author explains how, in the later phase of communist Yugoslavia, growing social inequalities among the workers and undemocratic practices inside the self-managed enterprises facilitated the spread of a nationalist and pro-market ideology on the shop floors. Restoring the voice of the working class in history, Musić presents Yugoslavia's workers actors in their own right, rather than as a mass easily manipulated by nationalist or populist politicians. The book thus seeks to open a debate on the social processes leading up to the dissolution of Yugoslavia.
This social, cultural, and political history of Slavic Muslim women of the Yugoslav region in the first decades of the post-Ottoman era is the first to provide a comprehensive overview of the issues ...confronting these women. It is based on a study of voluntary associations (philanthropic, cultural, Islamic-traditionalist, and feminist) of the period. It is broadly held that Muslim women were silent and relegated to a purely private space until 1945, when the communist state “unveiled” and “liberated” them from the top down. After systematic archival research in Bosnia, Croatia, Serbia, and Austria, Fabio Giomi challenges this view by showing: How different sectors of the Yugoslav elite through association publications, imagined the role of Muslim women in post-Ottoman times, and how Muslim women took part in the construction or the contestation of these narratives. How associations employed different means in order to forge a generation of “New Muslim Women” able to cope with the post-Ottoman political and social circumstances. And how Muslim women used the tools provided by the associations in order to pursue their own projects, aims and agendas. The insights are relevant for today’s challenges facing Muslim women in Europe. The text is illustrated with exceptional photographs.
In Art Work , Katja Praznik counters the Western understanding of art – as a passion for self-expression and an activity done out of love, without any concern for its financial aspects – and instead ...builds a case for understanding art as a form of invisible labour. Focusing on the experiences of art workers and the history of labour regulation in the arts in socialist Yugoslavia, Praznik helps elucidate the contradiction at the heart of artistic production and the origins of the mystification of art as labour.
This profoundly interdisciplinary book highlights the Yugoslav socialist model of culture as the blueprint for uncovering the interconnected aesthetic and economic mechanisms at work in the exploitation of artistic labour. It also shows the historical trajectory of how policies toward art and artistic labour changed by the end of the 1980s. Calling for a fundamental rethinking of the assumptions behind Western art and exploitative labour practices across the world, Art Work will be of interest to scholars in East European studies, art theory, and cultural policy, as well as to practicing artists.
Even before Tito's Communist Party established control over the war-ravaged territories which became socialist Yugoslavia, his partisan forces were using football as a revolutionary tool. In 1944 a ...team representing the incipient state was dispatched to play matches around the liberated Mediterranean. This consummated a deep relationship between football and communism that endured until this complex multi-ethnic polity tore itself apart in the 1990s. Starting with an exploration of the game in the short-lived interwar Kingdom, this book traces that liaison for the first time. Based on extensive archival research and interviews, it ventures across the former Yugoslavia to illustrate the myriad ways football was harnessed by an array of political forces.
This book is about the process of Americanization of Yugoslav culture and everyday life during the sixties. After having fallen out of the Eastern bloc, Tito turned to American backing. In political ...spheres distance was carefully guarded, yet in the realms of culture and consumption the Yugoslav regime was definitely much more receptive. For Titoist Yugoslavia this tactic turned out to be rewarding. It stabilised the regime internally and gave it an image of openness in foreign policy. The book addresses the link between cultural diplomacy, culture, consumer society and politics. The main argument is that both culture and everyday life modelled on the American way were a major source of legitimacy for the Yugoslav Communist Party, and a powerful weapon for both USA and Yugoslavia in the Cold War battle for hearts and minds. Vučetić explores how the Party used American culture in order to promote its own values and how life in this socialist and capitalist hybrid system looked like for ordinary people, living in a country with communist ideology wrapped in capitalist form. The book offers a careful reevaluation of the limits of appropriating the American dream. The analysis raises doubts toward both the uncritical celebration of Yugoslavia’s openness and the exaggerated picture of its authoritarianism.
The Yugoslav break up and conflict have given rise to a considerable literature offering dramatically different interpretations of what happened. But just how do the various interpretations relate to ...each other? This ambitious new book by Sabrina Ramet, an eminent commentator on recent Balkan politics and history, reviews and analyses more than 130 books about the troubled region and compares their accounts, theories, and interpretations of events. Ramet surveys the major debates which divide the field, alternative accounts of the causes of Yugoslavia's violent collapse, and the scholarly debates concerning humanitarian intervention. Rival accounts are presented side by side for easy comparison. Thinking about Yugoslavia examines books on Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Kosovo which were published in English, German, Serbian/Croatian/Bosnian, and Italian, thus offering the English-speaking reader a unique insight into the controversies.
From Kurdistan to Somaliland, Xinjiang to South Yemen, all secessionist movements hope to secure newly independent states of their own. Most will not prevail. The existing scholarly wisdom provides ...one explanation for success, based on authority and control within the nascent states. With the aid of an expansive new dataset and detailed case studies, this book provides an alternative account. It argues that the strongest members of the international community have a decisive influence over whether today's secessionists become countries tomorrow and that, most often, their support is conditioned on parochial political considerations.
Davor Konjikušić provides an in-depth presentation and contextualization of the photographs created by Yugoslav partisans between 1941 and 1945. In doing so, the author is not only interested in ...presenting the photographs from an aesthetic perspective, but in the history of their use and function within one of the biggest anti-fascist movements in Europe during the Second World War.
U radu se na osnovi izvora, literature i tiska analiziraju napori jugoslavenske diplomacije u cilju ekstradicije bivšega poglavnika Nezavisne Države Hrvatske Ante Pavelića tijekom pedesetih godina ...prošloga stoljeća i reakcije argentinskih državnih organa na te zahtjeve. Posebna pozornost obraća se na političku pozadinu tih reakcija i djelovanje jugoslavenskoga predstavništva u Buenos Airesu.
The former leader of the Independent State of Croatia Ante Pavelić was in Argentina from November 1948. Yugoslav diplomats found out about this in the following months. In the first period they gathered information considering Pavelićʼs whereabouts and susbmitted formal inquiries to the Argentine Ministry of Foreign Affairs. When Pavelićʼs activities became more frequent and more organized, especially with the forming of his government in exile, Yugoslav diplomacy decided to act. In May 1951, the formal extradition was asked. It appears that Argentina never officially replied to the request. The Yugoslav side continued to put pressure on the Argentine Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which made them change their tactics. Obviously, in agreement with Pavelić himself, they tried to make it appear that he had left Argentina and moved to Uruguay. In order to support this hypothesis, Pavelić made his speeches through Radio Montevideo and in interviews, he insisted that journalists write that he was anywhere but Argentina. Argentine officials also spread rumors that he was in Uruguay in conversations with Yugoslav colleagues. Very soon they saw through this game because it was clear that Pavelić was still in Buenos Aires. In the following years there was a similar game. Yugoslav diplomacy tried to convince Argentine colleagues that Pavelić was in their country and they that he was not. The fall of the Peron regime in 1955, did not change the situation. The Yugoslav side tried to use the animosity that the new government had for its predecessors but with little success. Only in 1957 did the situation change as a result of an assassination attempt on Pavelić. At that point it was clear that he was still in Buenos Aires. Yugoslav diplomacy made another request for his extradition only a few days after the assassination attempt. The pressure that was exerted led Pavelić to go into hiding, first in Argentina after which he fled to Chile and finally to Spain at the end of 1957. Unaware of the fact that Pavelić left Argentina, Yugoslav diplomacy continued to fight for his extradition in the following year. They changed tactics and asked for extradition, according to the Argentine law relating to common criminals. This attempt had a flaw in its design. The death penalty that obviously awaited Pavelić in Yugoslavia was not allowed by Argentine laws. The Yugoslav side put itself in a difficult situation because it could not bring itself to declare that Pavelić would not be sentenced to death after extradition. This urged them to slow down the process even more. Pavelićʼs death in 1959 put an end to this eight year long procedure for his extradition to Yugoslavia.