Vietnamese nationalism has a strong undercurrent of anti-China sentiments, and Vietnam's leaders have regularly tapped into such sentiments to shore up their legitimacy and boost Vietnamese ...nationalism.Over the last decade, the helter-skelter growth of social media has bred new popular actors in Vietnamese cybersphere, who are deeply nationalistic but who pursue entirely different political and social agendas. In sum, they give rise to a new nationalistic narrative, one that paints the Vietnam Communist Party as being often too meek and subservient to China, and calls for drastic reforms to the political system--regime change not excluded--to deal with Chinese threats.An examination of prominent cases of online Vietnamese nationalism shows that anti-China sentiments have been a recurrent theme and a consistent trigger. The online nationalistic movements have been mostly instigated by popular figures, with state actors playing a facilitating role in stoking and harnessing them for their own ends.Manifestations of online nationalism, especially those centred on anti-China and sovereignty issues, may hold serious consequences, including violence and deadly riots. In some instances, online nationalistic campaigns both galvanize and dissipate relatively quickly once state and popular actors have somehow managed to achieve their aims.
This nation's Cold War and Global War on Terror defense structures need an update.? U.S. Naval Power in the 21st Century provides such a framework for the changed world we live in, offering a ...detailed roadmap that shows how the United States can field a war-winning fleet that can also compete aggressively in peacetime against dangerous competitors unlike any the nation has faced before. Brent Sadler presents a compelling new strategy and organizing approach that he calls naval statecraft, which acknowledges the centrality and importance of the maritime domain. While similar in scale and scope to Cold War containment strategies against the Soviets, naval statecraft is much more.?It must be to challenge China's involvement in global supply chains, which gives that country significant financial heft and influence around the world.? Unlike what existed during of the Cold War, however, Sadler provides a unique vision for competing with China and Russia. Rather than simply calling for better coordinated U.S. diplomacy, military operations, and economic statecraft, Sadler argues for integrating the levers of national power coherently and in a sustainable way.? This is no small feat, and his approach is informed by a long career rich in working with various agencies of government, foreign militaries (including hostile ones), and our allies.? It is an approach imminently appropriate to our times but comes with a realization that the nation is not ready for the competition it faces from China and Russia. The book is a valuable contribution to the national debate over how best to respond to China's rise and Russia's antagonisms.
Conventional wisdom holds that China's rise is disrupting the
global balance of power in unpredictable ways. However, China has
often deferred to the consensus of smaller neighboring countries on
...regional security rather than running roughshod over them. Why and
when does China exercise restraint-and how does this aspect of
Chinese statecraft challenge the assumptions of international
relations theory? In Power and Restraint in China's Rise ,
Chin-Hao Huang argues that a rising power's aspirations for
acceptance provide a key rationale for refraining from coercive
measures. He analyzes Chinese foreign policy conduct in the South
China Sea, showing how complying with regional norms and accepting
constraints improves external perceptions of China and advances
other states' recognition of China as a legitimate power. Huang
details how member states of the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations have taken a collective approach to defusing tension in
maritime disputes, incentivizing China to support regional security
initiatives that it had previously resisted. Drawing on this
empirical analysis, Huang develops new theoretical perspectives on
why great powers eschew coercion in favor of restraint when they
seek legitimacy. His framework explains why a dominant state with
rising ambitions takes the views and interests of small states into
account, as well as how collective action can induce change in a
major power's behavior. Offering new insight into the causes and
consequences of change in recent Chinese foreign policy, this book
has significant implications for the future of engagement with
China.
In The First British Trade Expedition to China, Nicholas D. Jackson explores the pioneering British trade expedition to China launched in the late Ming period by Charles I and the Courteen ...Association. While utilizing the vivid and unique perspective of its commander, Captain John Weddell, this study concentrates on the fleet’s adventures in south China between Portuguese Macao and the provincial capital, Guangzhou (Canton). Tracing the obscure origins of Sino-British diplomatic and commercial relations back to the late Ming era, Jackson examines the first episodes of Sino-British interaction, exchange, and collision in the seventeenth century. His definitive narrative and original analysis constitute a groundbreaking study of early modern British initiatives and enterprise in the coastal areas of south China. The book begins by sketching the Tudor-Stuart historical background of British trade expansion in Asia before precisely reconstructing the voyages of East India Company and then Courteen ships to Guangdong province. The core of the narrative illuminates the communications, intrigues, and confrontations between Ming officials and the British commanders and merchants. The monograph concludes with an analysis outlining the major lessons learned by all the personalities and parties involved in those unprecedented encounters and clashes. Among other theses, Jackson argues that this expedition demonstrates that as early as the seventeenth century, a significant difference in naval-military strength and sophistication obtained between Great Britain and China.
While the literature of hybrid regimes has given up the presumption that post- communist countries must democratize, its language and concepts still mostly relate to Western democracies. Magyar and ...Madlovics strongly argue for a vocabulary and grammar tailored to the specifics of the region. In 120 theses they unfold a conceptual framework with (1) a typology of post-communist regimes and (2) a detailed presentation of ideal-type actors and the political, economic, and social phenomena in these regimes. The book is a more digestible companion to the 800-page The Anatomy of Post-Communist Regimes (CEU Press, 2020), which was a detailed theoretical study with plenty of empirical illustrations. Each of the 120 theses contains a statement and its concise discussion supported by illustrative tables, figures, and QR-codes that connect the interested reader to the more detailed analysis in the Anatomy. In a condensed variety, this book has kept the holistic approach of the Anatomy and treats the spheres of political, market, and communal action as parts of a single, coherent whole. The endeavor to synthesize a vast range of ideas does not, however, result in a too complicated text. On the contrary, freed from the implicit presumptions of democracy theory, the new terminology yields a readily usable toolkit of unambiguous means of expression to speak about post- communism.
"The First Emperor of China (259-210 BCE) is recognized as one of the pivotal figures in world history, alongside other great conquerors and political innovators such as Alexander the Great, Genghis ...Khan, and Julius Caesar. His accomplishments are undeniable, including the conquest of the six other warring states of China, his creation of the imperial bureaucratic system that endured for 2,000 years, and his unification of Chinese culture through the promotion of a single coinage, unified weights and measures, and one writing system. Since his dynasty was cut off a few short years after his death, concrete information on the critical period in Chinese history he occupied has been lacking until recent decades. Only a single, biased historical account, written a century after his death, narrates his biography. In the last forty years, however, archaeologists have revealed not only the lavish burial pits associated with his tomb, but also
"Arming East Asia: Deterring China in the Early Cold War examines President Eisenhower's mutual security program in East Asia and explains how that administration worked to contain China. This ...historical chronicle offers insights and perspectives regarding how to address Sino-American tensions and maintain a free and open Asia-Pacific. Eric Setzekorn argues that President Eisenhower expanded and solidified the U.S. presence in East Asia through use of military aid and military advisory efforts in sharp contrast to the use of U.S. military forces by Presidents Truman, Kennedy and Johnson. In South Korea, Taiwan, Japan, and Southeast Asia (particularly in Thailand and South Vietnam), the United States spent billions of dollars and significant time developing local military forces. By the end of Eisenhower's two terms, a force of over 1.4 million Allied soldiers in East Asia had been trained, equipped, and often paid through American milit
Guilty of indigence Chen, Janet Y
2012., 20120124, 2012, 2012-01-24, 20120101
eBook
In the early twentieth century, a time of political fragmentation and social upheaval in China, poverty became the focus of an anguished national conversation about the future of the country. ...Investigating the lives of the urban poor in China during this critical era, Guilty of Indigence examines the solutions implemented by a nation attempting to deal with "society's most fundamental problem." Interweaving analysis of shifting social viewpoints, the evolution of poor relief institutions, and the lived experiences of the urban poor, Janet Chen explores the development of Chinese attitudes toward urban poverty and of policies intended for its alleviation.
Le présent ouvrage collectif est le fruit de la réflexion d’une vingtaine de chercheurs et de spécialistes provenant de différents pays et diverses régions (Canada, Chine, France, Belgique, etc.), ...dont la plupart ont participé au colloque Rencontres et interculturalité entre l’Orient et l’Occident que la Faculté des lettres et des sciences humaines et le CELAT de l’Université Laval ont organisé en octobre 2018, en collaboration avec la Faculté d’histoire de l’Université Nankai en Chine. L’ouvrage se divise en cinq parties : Les missionnaires et les rencontres interculturelles ; La littérature, les médias et les échanges entre la Chine et la France ; Les échanges des connaissances scientifiques et les emprunts culturels réciproques ; Les Chinois d’outre-mer et l’adaptation culturelle ; Un regard croisé et la perception de l’autre : l’image de la Chine et de l’Occident. Il propose une réflexion sur les rencontres et les interactions interculturelles entre la Chine et l’Occident dans une perspective interdisciplinaire pour contribuer à l’avancement de la recherche dans ce domaine.
