The paper presents an effort to determine the territorial distribution of factories in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1938, according to branches of industry using the data based on the list of ...industrial enterprises published in Statistics of the Industry of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1941). The paper also gives a brief overview of the source material on industry statistics and the very definition of an industrial enterprise.
Colonel Tanasije Dinić’s personality and contributions are principally associated with the era of the Second World War, during which he held a prominent role as a collaborator and served as one of ...Milan Nedić’s ministers. This article seeks to undertake a historiographical reconstruction of Colonel Dinić’s activities within the borders of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia leading up to the onset of the Second World War. The authors underscore three distinctive phases in Colonel Dinić’s life. The initial section of the study meticulously examines his wartime experiences, commencing from his enrollment in the Military Academy’s Lower School and extending to the early years subsequent to the establishment of the SHS Kingdom. The subsequent section of the article delves into Colonel Dinić’s significant contributions to the establishment, expansion, and management of an intelligence network with a specific focus on Albania and Bulgaria. The third section of the article extensively addresses Colonel Tanasije Dinić’s tenure as a member of the Yugoslav Radical Community (JRZ) and the National Assembly. The scholarly foundation of this section rests upon pertinent literature and archival sources, which have been systematically employed to craft the narrative presented in the paper.
This paper explores the role of Russian emigration in shaping Yugoslav perceptions of Soviet life, drawing on authentic testimonials from “experts on Russian issues” in the 1929–1930 Belgrade ...newspaper. Adopting a cultural perspective, the analysis of these narratives unveils diverse observational positions, exemplified by the reporting of two Prague Russians: Left SR Vladimir Ivanovich Lebedev and “Krest’yanskaya Rossiya” party deputy, Sergey Semyonovich Maslov. The case study, centered on articles from Politika, Vreme, and Pravda, underscores the multifaceted nature of Yugoslav attitudes towards the Soviet Union during this period, contributing to a nuanced understanding of the impact of Russian emigration on public opinion.
U članku se rekonstruiše povlačenje jugoslovenskog osoblja iz diplomatskog predstavništva u Kraljevini Rumuniji 1941, posle aprilskog napada Nemačke na Kraljevinu Jugoslaviju. To povlačenje se ...umnogome razlikovalo od povlačenja jugoslovenskog osoblja iz drugih država koje su preko noći postale neprijateljske. Kraljevina Rumunija je jugoslovenskom diplomatsko/konzularnom osoblju uskratila gostoprimstvo tek 14. maja 1941, ali te ljude nije poslala u Nemačku, gde se prisilno okupio veliki broj diplomata od kojih su mnogi potom odvedeni u koncentracione logore, nego ih je poslala na teritoriju neutralnih zemalja. Većina diplomatsko-konzularnog osoblja i drugih građana koji su se zatekli u Rumuniji povukla se ili u pravcu Turske ili u pravcu Odese. Oni koji su prispeli u Carigrad stavili su se posle u službu Vlade Kraljevine Jugoslavije u emigraciji. Rad je zasnovan na arhivskoj građi Vlade Kraljevine Jugoslavije u emigraciji i na dnevnicima Koste St. Pavlovića, tada na diplomatskoj službi u Bukureštu.
Avtor v besedilu odgovarja na vprašanje, kako je o slovenski koloniji v makedonski Bistrenici pisalo slovensko časopisje v letih 1930–1940, v času, ko je bilo narodno vprašanje eno osrednjih vprašanj ...slovenske politike in kulture, kar se je odražalo tudi v pisanju ideološko polariziranega časopisja. Liberalnemu taboru naklonjeno časopisje, ki je vztrajalo pri jugoslovanstvu in centralizmu, je o koloniji večinoma pisalo naklonjeno, katoliškemu taboru naklonjeno časopisje, ki je zagovarjalo avtonomistično stališče, pa je bilo do kolonije bolj zadržano ali celo nenaklonjeno. V tridesetih letih so se pojavili tudi časopisi novih političnih in ideoloških gibanj, ki so v pisanje o koloniji vnesli drugačen ton.
Učitelj i politika Miškulin, Ivica
Scrinia Slavonica,
11/2022, Letnik:
22, Številka:
1
Journal Article, Paper
Recenzirano
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U radu autor ocjenjuje političko djelovanje učitelja Ivana Trdića u razdoblju Kraljevine Jugoslavije i početkom Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (1929. – 1941.). Čitatelj se posebno upućuje na analizu ...Trdićeva rada u temeljnim političkim i parapolitičkim organizacijama šestosiječanjskog režima u gradu te kotaru Slavonska Požega, poput Jugoslovenskog učiteljskog udruženja, Jugoslovenske radikalno seljačke demokratije, Jugoslovenske nacionalne stranke, Jugoslovenske radikalne zajednice i Sokola Kraljevine Jugoslavije. U promatranom razdoblju Trdić službuje u školi Vanjska Požega te je jedan od najvažnijih lokalnih pristaša ideologije i politike beskompromisnog jugoslavenstva. Njezino pak rastakanje u drugoj polovici 1930-ih donosi propast Trdićevih ideala. Osvetoljubive ustaše ubile su ga u prvim danima Nezavisne Države Hrvatske.
The abundance and diversity of the preserved archival materials allow a comprehensive analysis of the political activities of the teacher Ivan Trdić during the time of the Yugoslav states (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) between the two wars and in the first days of the Independent State of Croatia. In the first part of the parliamentary period (1919-1926) Trdić came to the fore as the first local teacher to voice the ideology of Yugoslav unitarism, which soon put him - chiefly because of his aggressive pushing of exclusive and violent Yugoslavism - in an untenable position in the Croatian rural communities in which he worked (Nova Kapela). The predictable outcome of everything was a deep disapproval of Yugoslav symbolism by the majority of Croats who started to justifiably treat the aggressive and violent unitaristic minority as national renegades and traitors. Immediately after his promotion in his career (occupying the position of head teacher through political protectionism by the Association of Yugoslav Teachers) Trdić had to undergo a fall. The first Yugoslav circle of sincere Yugoslav teachers ended in the victory of national (i.e. separate Croatian and Serbian) policies and led Trdić to the lee of anonymity in back-of-beyond Stražeman.The Yugoslav nationalists were undeservedly given a new opportunity in the early 1930s. Hence, the 6 January coup of Aleksander Karađorđević must be considered as a new attempt to impose a Yugoslav synthesis. The ideology of the uncompromising Yugoslav regime of the dictatorship reiterated a number of the previous features (a-historicism, exclusiveness, hidden Serbianization) but also brought in some novelties such as state protection, a more apparent monarchism, the predominance of the assimilation version of Yugoslavism and the disappearance of a vocal opposition. As expected, Trdić happened to be at the forefront of distinguished stakeholders of the new conditions in Slavonska Požega (where he lived and where the primary school of which he was head was located); he was enthusiastically active through the two basic media. He occupied a distinguished position in the new regime formation meant for the ideological indoctrination of society, particularly of children (centralized Association of Yugoslav Teachers) and was also a part of the administration of regime parties. Also, the increase of problems concerning the ambivalence of the dictatorial regime would hardly have led to a new collapse of Yugoslav nationalism without the violent death of its idol King Alexander. Without the king, the supporters of “provincial” (that is to say national) identities in Sava Banovina were in the majority (as indicated by the parliamentary elections in May 1935) and in the case of Slavonska Požega this in the first place indicated the return of the HSS (Croatian Peasant Party) led Croatian national movement to the scene. Hence, Trdić experienced in Slavonska Požega (as well as in the second half of 1920 in Nova Kapela) the collapse of Yugoslav nationalism which is naturally the frequent fate of unnatural ideological projects that have no very serious support and are based on imposition and repression.Trdić managed to keep his position on the surface for only a short period of time: without the support of the regime or of a strong political party the Croatian, Yugo-nationalists were brought down to the status of a distinct minority, hence, the imperative of continuing to exist inevitably led them in the direction of Milan Stojadinović which again brings to light their dependence on the Serbian base. However, the establishment of the Banovina of Croatia (denied in the early 1930s) indicated the final victory of Croatian nationalism, that is to say the final defeat of Yugoslav nationalism and the new regime showed not much consideration for Yugoslav teachers who were the servants of a violent and anti-Croatian dictatorship. Trdić was therefore expelled from the Association of Croatian Teachers and to the Yugoslav Radical Union he was more an obstacle to the prospects of the party than a useful lure for Croats. However, Trdić’s second Yugoslav round did not end peacefully. The regime of the Banovina of Croatia forced him into retirement but the uncompromising Croatian nationalists governing the Independent State of Croatia decided to execute him.
U radu se detaljnije istražuje život i djelo istaknutoga hrvatskog povjesničara Ferde Šišića od početka 1938. do 1940. godine. Temeljni je istraživački problem koji se postavlja u radu ...rasvjetljavanje i karakterizacija međuodnosa Šišićeva profesionalnog rada kao povjesničara i njegova političkog djelovanja. U tome cilju se na temelju brojnih arhivskih izvora, periodike i dostupne literature rekonstruira cjelokupna Šišićeva djelatnost na polju historiografije, u kulturi i politici u tadašnjem povijesnom kontekstu, određenom institucionalnim strukturama Kraljevine Jugoslavije.
This paper provides a more detailed analysis of the scholarly, cultural and political activities of the distinguished Croatian historian Ferdo Šišić during the last years of his life from 1938 to 1940. The main objective has been to cast light on the relation of Šišić’s work in the field of historiography and his political activities in the historical context defined by the institutions of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia at the time. The first chapter refers to Šišić’s withdrawal from his teaching duties at the Faculty of Philosophy in Zagreb in the academic year 1937/38 due to a heart condition and to political conflicts among the students at Zagreb University. His activities in Masonic lodges have been explored and his actions published in early 1938 analysed; they clearly indicated his close relations to the regime in Belgrade and to the policy of the then Prime Minister Milan Stojadinović. Another focus of the paper is Šišić’s publications published in spring 1938 particularly in reference to the re-establishment of his cooperation with Matica hrvatska, which, administered by Filip Lukas, became the base of activities for Croatian nationalist intellectuals with a negative attitude towards the regime in Belgrade. A thorough analysis of Šišić’s works, primarily in journalist style, published under changing political circumstances after the fall of Prime Minister Stojadinović’s government in the first half of 1939, has provided a clear indication of Šišić’s opportunism and careerism as the most acceptable explanation for his political and cultural activities. However, in this paper close attention has been also drawn to Šišić’s huge energy for work which, despite his poor health condition, made him return to his teaching duties at the Faculty of Philosophy in Zagreb in the winter semester of the academic year 1938/39; with this energy he maintained relationships with numerous colleagues and associates and continued writing, publishing a great number of works. This was partly also the reason why his seventieth birthday in March 1939 had a major impact, especially among the well-informed. The last part of this paper investigates Šišić’s life in the second half of 1939 marked by the progress of his illness, his retirement and the withdrawal from public life, which took place in the context of the establishment of the Banovina of Croatia. The final part describes Šišić’s death and his funeral in January 1940, special attention being paid to the first reviews of Šišić’s life and work immediately after his death.
From Kurdistan to Somaliland, Xinjiang to South Yemen, all secessionist movements hope to secure newly independent states of their own. Most will not prevail. The existing scholarly wisdom provides ...one explanation for success, based on authority and control within the nascent states. With the aid of an expansive new dataset and detailed case studies, this book provides an alternative account. It argues that the strongest members of the international community have a decisive influence over whether today's secessionists become countries tomorrow and that, most often, their support is conditioned on parochial political considerations.
Borba protiv „bacila Rajković, Ana
Scrinia Slavonica,
12/2021, Letnik:
21, Številka:
1
Journal Article, Paper
Recenzirano
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Jedna od osnovnih karakteristika represivne vlasti u međuratnoj Jugoslaviji svakako je bilo i suzbijanje širenja komunističkih odnosno boljševičkih ideja u radničkom pokretu
nakon Prvog svjetskog ...rata. Ovo je uvelike bilo uvjetovano povratkom ruskih
zarobljenika, tj. vojnika Austro-Ugarske Monarhije koji su tijekom zarobljeništva prihvatili ideju boljševizma te koju su potom pokušali prenijeti na teritorij novouspostavljene Kraljevine. Ovi su se „oktobarci“, kako ih je kasnija historiografija nazvala, vraćali i na slavonsko područje, prvenstveno u gradove poput Osijeka i Vukovara. U kontekstu navedenoga cilj je rada, na temelju arhivske građe, kao i onodobnog tiska, analizirati načine na koje su vlasti vršile ovo suzbijanje, pri čemu se slavonsko područje promatra u širem društveno-političkom kontekstu, kako bi se
dobila potpunija analiza djelovanja represivnog sustava, ali i načina transferiranja ideja na ovo područje. Kreiranje antiboljševičke politike interpretirano je okviru komparativne metode te teorijskog modela nizozemskog teoretičara T. A. van Dijka.
One of the basic characteristics of the repressive government of Yugoslavia between the two World Wars certainly was also the inhibition of the spreading of communist, i.e. Bolshevik ideas in the labour movement after World War I, which was to a great extent ascribable to the return of Russian prisoners, that is to say soldiers of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy who had during their imprisonment accepted the
idea of Bolshevism and accordingly tried to transfer it to the territory of the newly established Kingdom. These “adherents of the October Revolution”, as they were later named in historiography, returned to the Slavonian area, primarily to the towns Osijek and Vukovar. The objective of this paper in this context is to analyse on the basis of archival materials and then newspapers how the government imposed the restraint, the Slavonian area being viewed in a broader social-political context in order to provide a more complete analysis of
the activities of the repressive system but also of how ideas were transferred in this area. The creation of an anti-Bolshevik policy has been interpreted in the scope of the comparative method and the theoretical model of the Dutch theorist T. A. van Dijk.
In Art Work , Katja Praznik counters the Western understanding of art – as a passion for self-expression and an activity done out of love, without any concern for its financial aspects – and instead ...builds a case for understanding art as a form of invisible labour. Focusing on the experiences of art workers and the history of labour regulation in the arts in socialist Yugoslavia, Praznik helps elucidate the contradiction at the heart of artistic production and the origins of the mystification of art as labour.
This profoundly interdisciplinary book highlights the Yugoslav socialist model of culture as the blueprint for uncovering the interconnected aesthetic and economic mechanisms at work in the exploitation of artistic labour. It also shows the historical trajectory of how policies toward art and artistic labour changed by the end of the 1980s. Calling for a fundamental rethinking of the assumptions behind Western art and exploitative labour practices across the world, Art Work will be of interest to scholars in East European studies, art theory, and cultural policy, as well as to practicing artists.
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