On the basis of unpublished material, periodicals, and printed matter as well as reference literature, this paper offers a reconstruction of a part of the biography of Dr Mirko Buić, a prominent ...personality of public life in Split between the world wars. Buić’s political orientation was unambiguously Yugoslav and pro-royalist, though he never actively participated on the political stage of interwar Split. In the professional sense, Buić left the deepest impression on the Chamber of Trades and Crafts in Split, where he acted as secretary from late 1924 to mid-1938, when he was appointed as the mayor of Split. For a short time, Buić served as the mayor of Split and the Minister of Physical Education of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Mirko Buić was the ban (governor) of the Littoral Banovina from September 1938 until the new administrative division of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the formation of the Banovina of Croatia were implemented following the Cvetković-Maček Agreement in August 1939. In addition to his professional work, Buić made a significant impression on the Sokol Society of Split, where he played a leading role through most of the interwar period.
Using archival data, press articles, and historiographical and memoir literature, this paper reconstructs biographical details from the life of Edo Marković, agronomist, civil servant, member of the ...National Council of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs, Rotary Club activist, and general manager of the state monopoly company for the purchase and export of agricultural produce. The life philosophy of Edo Marković, which could be described in brief as opposition to inertia and authority, led him from his early childhood into temptations, which he overcame by following his intuition. They included identity dilemmas, education, political experimentation, and a principled determination to ‘serve the homeland, not the government’. Thanks to the organisational skills he displayed during World War I, his later banking career, the international reputation he enjoyed in the highest Freemason and Rotary circles, the crown of which was his position in the League of Nations, he acted more like an expert than a politician. Even though he was a member of several political organisations, he continued to adhere to the ideology of his old company, grown from the Croatian-Serbian Coalition. His Rotary enthusiasm outweighed the dashed hopes about the future of the Yugoslav state, and contributed to a sort of internal escapism and turn towards international activism. The affinity of Marković’s children for left-wing ideas, despite their material status, was certainly fostered by the opinions of their father, who afforded them a comprehensive education, thus allowing them to independently form their views on how the Russian Revolution went astray, the consequences of the Nazi rise to power, and the characteristics of Anglo-Saxon civilisation. The close links of Edo Marković with Czechoslovakia were the consequence of inter-Rotary cooperation, his loyalty to the concept of the Little Entente, and his promotion of the controversial Yugoslav-Czechoslovak ‘grain arrangements’, for which he was often criticised.
The high social standing of Edo Markocić was not immanent to the agrarian topics that he was preoccupied with from his student days until his death. However, his radical idea about the emancipation of national agriculture from foreign markets through the industrialisation of passive areas and the exploitation of their natural resources exposed him to accusations of ‘agrarian defeatism’ and treason. Apart from complaints about his staff policy, extravagance, and compulsive hoarding of war reserves, the sources used do not point towards any financial malfeasance on his part, which his predecessors at the head of the Privileged Export Society (PRIZAD) were notorious for. Indeed, due to his Jewish ancestry, Marković was subjected to additional attacks in the press, which, generalising his affiliation to the stratum of ‘Austro-Hungarian banking masters’, futilely attempted to discredit him regarding the purchase and export of grain and opium. Unlike his conflict with national interest groups, which was the consequence of his compliance with American demands for a more restrictive opium policy, Marković’s ‘lack of tact’, based on his political and ethical beliefs, made him an unreliable partner of the Yugoslav military command on the eve of the new war and a hinderance in the German ‘supplementary economic area’. If the official version of his murder is to be believed, Edo Marković died because he had raised his daughters in the spirit of liberalism, which eventually led to their active support of the Communists, and provoked the police raid in which he was killed. On the other hand, Marković, as a Freemason, Rotarian, ‘Christianised Jew’, anglophile, and opponent of economic cooperation with the Third Reich, was a perfect target for Nazi Germany, whose intelligence service had successfully infiltrated Yugoslavia. In both cases, Edo Marković became a victim of that which had preoccupied him from his earliest days, but which he had simultaneously avoided – politics.
U ljeto godine 1929. bilo je otkriveno da je izvorni bjelokosni plenarij koji se čuva u Riznici zagrebačke katedrale ukraden, a na njegovo mjesto postavljena krivotvorina. Otuđenje se dogodilo ...najvjerojatnije između 1925. i 1927. godine. Nestali bjelokosni plenarij uskoro je bio otkriven u Muzeju umjetnosti u Clevelandu u Ohiju. Autor se u radu bavi povratom otuđenoga bjelokosnog plenarija iz SAD-a u Riznicu zagrebačke katedrale, koji se odvijao tijekom listopada 1929. i svibnja 1930. godine. Istraživanje je, osim na literaturi, najvećim dijelom utemeljeno na arhivskom gradivu američkoga Državnog tajništva (State Department) kao i novinskim izvješćima zagrebačkih listova Obzora, Novosti, Hrvatske straže, splitskoga Novog doba, ljubljanskoga Sloveneca, beogradske Politike i Glasila kranjsko-slovenskog katoličkog saveza (Glasilo kranjsko slovenske katoliške jednote) iz Clevelanda.
During the 1920s and 1930s, football became an important activity in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (from 1929 the Kingdom of Yugoslavia). Leisure, which became an important factor in the ...lives of almost every social group of (urban) society, together with limited but adequate finances, can be observed through a sport that attracted thousands to the pitches and tens of thousands to the stands as it became clear that Yugoslavia, and Croatia as its part, were on a slow path towards modernity. By the end of the 1930s, there was a short-lived appearance of women’s football that shows that the modernisation of society had led to attempts to shift this sport towards the female population as well. Despite a good start, i.e. the establishment of several women’s football clubs on the territory of today’s Croatia (their formation occurred nowhere else in Yugoslavia), mixed, often negative or even mocking articles, followed the first female football games, matches in the summer of 1938 that attracted thousands to the stadium stands of the largest Yugoslav cities. In the wake of these games, several female and male functionaries attempted to form a female football federation. Unfortunately, in a largely pre-modern society, in which women still did not have the same civil rights as men, with an intense presence of medical stereotypes about the impact of sports on women and a strong state authority that tried to control all sporting efforts, women’s football was effectively banned by a Ministry of Physical Education’s decree in early 1939. It took several decades to restore the idea of women’s football in Croatia and Yugoslavia
Tekst predstavlja pokušaj rekonstrukcije stanja kriminaliteta u Vardarskoj banovini u periodu 1929–1941. godine na osnovu publikovanih statistika i neobjavljenih izveštaja državnog porekla. Uz uvid u ...strukturu počinjenih krivičnih dela, reakciju Apelacionog suda u Skoplju i rad skopskog kaznenog zavoda, skicirane su margine društva koje je tokom čitavog međuratnog perioda s pravom smatrano najnestabilnijim područjem u jugoslovenskoj kraljevini.
Due to its large morphine content, Yugoslav medical opium was an exception-ally sought-after pharmaceutical raw material, and therefore exported to leading processing plants in Germany, Switzerland, ...and France till 1928, when American plants began buying up almost the entire production. After 1932, yearly production of raw opium in Yugoslavia stabilised at 35-48 tons, with 99% of the production being absorbed by the American pharmaceutical companies Merck & Co. and Mallinckrodt Chemical Works, at prices significantly greater than those in Europe. However, the enthusiasm about exporting the entire yearly opium production to the USA was put into question in early 1934, when the Turkish-Yugoslav Central Bureau for raw opium export began operating in Istanbul. It comprised representatives of the Turkish Opium Export Institute and the Yugoslav Opium Export Institute (Jugoslovenski zavod za izvoz opijuma – JUZOP). The Yugoslav participation quota of 23-26% hindered the previous level of export to America, which generated resistance towards further cooperation with Turkey in Belgrade. Thus, disputes about placing opium on the American market led to a short-livedblockade of Yugoslav opium import, while the appearance of cheap Iranian opium in Europe further emboldened the Turkish side in the Central Bureau to compensate its loss of the European market by obstructing its Yugoslav partners in dealing with American plants. Apart from this, the debts of the American Eli Lilly plant towards the JUZOP on the day of the Central Bureau’s liquidation in lateJune 1941 further contributed towards the impression that Yugoslavia was actually suffering a loss by exporting opium in collaboration with Turkey. According to official Ministry of Agriculture data, a total of 688 tons of raw opium worth 386 million dinars were exported from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the 1927–1939 period. On a yearly level, this amounted to an average of 42 tons of opium worth29 million dinars, which equalled, for example, the average yearly budget revenue of the entire Vardar Banate (province). Since yearly opium smuggling in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia stood at around 8-10 tons of opium, one can conclude that almost a quarter of the legal production actually ended up in illegal trafficking. If the smuggling of processed opium derivates (morphine, heroin, codeine) to the USA is added to these figures, and if one keeps in mind the links of the Belgrade and Skopje smuggling organisations with leading European networks for drug trafficking across the Atlantic (Eliopoulos, Bacula, Raskin), then the increased interest of the League of Nations and American diplomacy for the situation in Yugoslavia from late 1937 becomes more understandable. The direct pressure of the American embassy in Paris, which operated a “service” for tracking narcotics smuggling, influenced the Yugoslav authorities to enact harsher laws and at leasttemporarily reign in the increasingly aggressive criminalisation of a formerly perspective branch of agriculture.
The thesis will depict political and religious turmoil from the first half of the 20th century between Kingdom of Yugoslavia45 and Vatican State City, and present more than a decade of political ...relations, from the Kingdom’s very beginning up to World War II. Special emphasis will be on the events that occurred during the signing of the concordat in July 1935 and its consequences. The thesis will be concluded with reactions from both Croatian and Serbian side. This will present the entire political background in Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the disputes between Croatian and Serbian (Catholic and Orthodox) politicians.
Autori analiziraju politička i vjerska previranja iz prve polovice 20. stoljeća između Kraljevine Jugoslavije1 i Vatikana, tijekom desetljeća političkih odnosa, od samoga početka Kraljevine do Drugoga svjetskog rata. Poseban naglasak stavljen je na događaje vezane uz potpisivanja konkordata u srpnju 1935. te njegovim posljedicama. Prikazana je reakcija s hrvatske i srpske strane. Predstavljena je politička situacija Kraljevine Jugoslavije te razmirice koje su proizlazile između hrvatske i srpske (katoličke i pravoslavne) strane.
By looking through the prism of the West's involvement in the breakup of Yugoslavia, this book presents a new examination of the end of the Cold War in Europe. Incorporating declassified documents ...from the CIA, the administration of George H.W. Bush, and the British Foreign Office; evidence generated by The Hague Tribunal; and more than forty personal interviews with former diplomats and policy makers, Glaurdić exposes how the realist policies of the Western powers failed to prop up Yugoslavia's continuing existence as intended, and instead encouraged the Yugoslav Army and the Serbian regime of Slobodan Milošević to pursue violent means.
The book also sheds light on the dramatic clash of opinions within the Western alliance regarding how to respond to the crisis. Glaurdić traces the origins of this clash in the Western powers' different preferences regarding the roles of Germany, Eastern Europe, and foreign and security policy in the future of European integration. With subtlety and acute insight,The Hour of Europeprovides a fresh understanding of events that continue to influence the shape of the post-Cold War Balkans and the whole of Europe.
During Europe's 2015 refugee crisis, more than a hundred thousand asylum seekers from the western Balkans sought refuge in Germany. This was nothing new, however; immigrants from the Balkans have ...streamed into West Germany in massive numbers throughout the long postwar era.Memory, Politics, and Yugoslav Migrations to Postwar Germanytells the story of how Germans received the many thousands of Yugoslavs who migrated to Germany as political emigres, labor migrants, asylum seekers, and war refugees from 1945 to the mid-1990s. While Yugoslavs made up the second largest immigrant group in the country, their impact has received little critical attention until now. With a particular focus on German policies and attitudes toward immigrants, Christopher Molnar argues that considerations of race played only a marginal role in German attitudes and policies towards Yugoslavs. Rather, the history of Yugoslavs in postwar Germany was most profoundly shaped by the memory of World War II and the shifting Cold War context. Molnar shows how immigration was a key way in which Germany negotiated the meaning and legacy of the war.
Središnja je tema rada sklapanje Sporazuma Cvetković-Maček, odnosno stvaranje Banovine Hrvatske. Autor u uvodnom dijelu rada prikazuje događaje koji su prethodili pregovorima između Dragiše ...Cvetkovića i Vladka Mačeka, a u središnjem se dijelu rada pobliže objašnjava tijek pregovora s naglaskom na okolnosti koje su utjecale na ishod Sporazuma. Predstavlja se i ustrojstvo Banovine Hrvatske, neke njezine bitne odrednice i hrvatske i srpske reakcije na uspostavu Banovine Hrvatske. Naposljetku, autor iznosi vlastiti osvrt na iznesene događaje.
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