In Sinu Patris Saarinen, Risto
Neue Zeitschrift für systematische Theologie und Religionsphilosophie,
10/2004, Letnik:
46, Številka:
4
Journal Article
Recenzirano
This article studies Martin Luther's understanding of John 1:18 with a special regard to the Trinitarian saying that the Son is "in the bosom of the Father". This saying is exposed in detail in ...Luther's first lectures on the Psalms and again in 1538. In addition to these two expositions, Luther presents many shorter remarks on the Trinitarian meaning of John 1:18. The study shows that Luther's view of merciful God becomes connected with a Trinitarian argument, claiming that you cannot believe in God's mercy unless you interpret John 1:18 in a Trinitarian manner. In addition, the unique position of the Son "in the bosom" enables the communication of the Father's deepest thoughts to human beings through the mediating and revelatory role of the Son. Therefore the relationship of the Son to the Father is also significant when our knowledge of God as both lawgiver and merciful Father is being discussed.PUBLICATION ABSTRACT
. Cognitive science challenges our understandings of self and freedom. In this article, adapted from a chapter in Minding God: Theology and the Cognitive Sciences (Peterson 2003), I review some of ...the scientific literature with regard to issues of self and freedom. I argue that our sense of self is a construct and heavily dependent on the kind of brain that we have. Furthermore, understanding the issue of freedom requires an understanding of the findings of cognitive science. Human beings are constrained to be free; our biology in no small way determines the kinds of freedom that we are able to have.
When Martin Luther used the printing press to help realize his vision of individual access to the biblical texts, he did so at the expense of the unity of belief made possible by the Catholic Church. ...Here, Howard argues that the movement of authority from the sacred Latin on the tongues of priests to the printed pages in the European vernaculars simultaneously generated the fundamentalist impulse seeks to constrain. Accounts detailing the grounds of his argument are discussed.
Starting from recent uneasiness with Protestant individualism, this article asks whether Luther’s theological insights might help address the unintended cultural consequences of the Reformation. ...Luther’s mature thought defines the church as a tangible “Christian, holy people” within history, constituted by distinctive public practices. This church is necessarily institutionalized: the “universal priesthood” is corporate rather than individual, and cannot be fully realized without ministers acting in persona ecclesiae. Ordered ministry and common priesthood are interdependent and mutually constitutive. Finally, following his central principle that God gives spiritual gifts only through public, bodily means, Luther allows no separation of justifying faith from bodily adherence to the Christian people.
In 1520 at the instigation of the influential Cardinals Giulio de' Medici and Nicholas von Schönberg, Ambrosius Catharinus Politus was asked to undertake the defence of the Church against Luther. ...Catharinus wrote the Apologia of 1520 at great speed, but he did not betray the trust that had been placed in him. Indeed, the resulting work may with plausibility be considered the literary origin of the Counter-Reformation. The main argument of this article is that the eleven ways of deceiving the people that Catharinus ascribed to Luther in Book I of the Apologia were tantamount to the claim that Luther was Antichrist. Luther was angered by the innuendo and responded in 1521 by applying the Antichrist' description not to any specific individual but to the entire papal church. In reading Daniel 23–5 as a prophecy of a Church that was the instrument of Satan, Luther revealed a remarkable comic gift, but he did not answer the case that Catharinus had made against him in a very different polemical style.
And never be joyful, save when you look in love upon your brother. —a probably authentic saying of Jesus recorded in the now lost Gospel of the Hebrews On the east wall of the south balcony in the ...St. Thomas Church of Leipzig, one of the principal churches where J. S. Bach worked as musical director from 1723 to 1750, there hangs in memory of one Bartholomæus Helmut a large, anonymous sixteenth-century painting now known by the title Gesetz und Gnade (“law and grace”) or Gesetz und Evangelium (“law and gospel”).A badly mangled reproduction, with many important elements cut off from all four edges, can be found in Herbert Stiehl, “Das Innere der Thomaskirche zur Amtszeit Johann Sebastian Bachs,” Beiträge zur Bachforschung 3 (1984) 91; a serviceable one in Ernst-Heinz Lemper, Die Thomaskirche zu Leipzig: Die Kirche Johann Sebastian Bachs als Denkmal deutscher Baukunst (Leipzig: Koehler & Amelang, 1954) 213; and a good one in Landesamt f¨r Denkmalpflege Sachsen, ed., Die Bau-und Kunstdenkmäler von Sachsen: Stadt Leipzig, Die Sakralbauten (Munich and Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1995) 1.280. The picture presents a powerful series of theologically conventional contrasts of type with antitype. At the far left Moses is shown on his knees at the edge of a precipice receiving stone tablets—the law—from a pair of hands sticking out of a cloud; at the far right, in a roughly parallel position, Mary, with wavy blonde hair, is shown receiving a cross-bearing baby Jesus—the gospel—from a fully visible God. At the left, further below, humanity's Fall is depicted: Adam and Eve break God's law by eating of the forbidden fruit (from the tree of the knowledge of good and evil), and are shown thus bringing death into the world; at the right, divine redemption is depicted: Jesus, with heavenly rays beaming from his head, suffers on the cross (a sort of tree), and is shown conquering death. Likewise at the left is found the bronze serpent amid exodus encampments of the Hebrew people in the wilderness;See Num 21:4–9; cf. 2 Kgs 18:4. at the right is a large church of Christian worship amid the established city of God, the New Jerusalem.
This dissertation examines the construction of the act of reading sacred Christian texts in sixteenth-century England. The advent of print and the legalization of vernacular religious texts in ...England created new rhetorical spaces which both defined and were defined by a changing religious climate and by the interactions of oral, written, and print cultures. Theologians, translators, editors and printers worked to define what it meant to engage sacred texts as they worked to stabilize their visions of the Church of England or increase book sales. Though scholars have reconstructed the reading practices of highly educated members of early modern English society by examining their book collections, marginalia, and other writings, significantly less has been done to understand the reading practices of the lower orders. Printing records reveal that the most popular books of the period were editions of English Psalters, complete Bibles, and Testaments of the Bible. John Foxe’s Actes & Monuments did not sell at the rate of Bibles and Psalms, but it nevertheless entered into popular consciousness when it was ordered placed in all parish churches in 1571. My study considers the ways these popular books constructed relationships among readers and sacred texts. The paratexts of these widely circulated editions of sacred texts and the first four editions of Foxe’s Actes & Monuments reveal multiple, often competing, conceptions of the act of reading. And yet, despite the different ends imagined for reading in these books, reading sacred texts is regularly constructed within a communal context. The final chapter of this study considers the theory of reading put forth in the Sidney Psalter. In this rather private text which circulated exclusively in manuscript form, the notion that reading sacred texts is a communal activity recurs and is put in the service of legitimating the poet’s craft for devotional use.
Despite significant ecumenical discussion on justification, what is still needed is a trinitarian understanding of the doctrine that is filled out by the Holy Spirit's work to bring about justice ...through new creation. This view seeks to move beyond the preoccupation with meritorious works indicative of the forensic model of justification and to concentrate instead on the life-transforming righteousness of the kingdom of God. Both Luther and Paul support the idea of justification as achieved through the Spirit's work in the death and resurrection of Christ to deliver the oppressed and to make all things new, thus fulfilling redemptive justice for all of creation and between creation and God. Such righteousness is reckoned to us in faith as bearers of the Spirit of new life and is lived out in the here and now as the church seeks to be agents of new life in the world.
Recent scholarship has brought into question the traditional interpretation of Luther as being hostile towards philosophy. Graham White claims that Luther holds a place in the history of logic as a ...member of the Nominalist tradition.
