National identities are often conceived of as factors that lend structure and stability to citizens’ political opinions on issues such as immigration. While citizens who define national membership in ...ethno-cultural terms are less likely to support immigration, those with a civic conception are more likely to do so. The authors propose that defining national identity along both ethno-cultural and civic lines may give rise to conflicting considerations, leading people to experience ambivalence, implying that national identities may serve less as a stabilizing force than suggested by previous research. Findings from heterogeneous choice models and a unique survey experiment show that German citizens with mixed conceptions of national identity had more variable and more malleable opinions than individuals with ideal-type conceptions during the 2015/2016 European refugee crisis. The findings point to an identity-based source of ambivalence and extend current understandings of how people form attitudes towards immigration.
Disagreements over whether polarization exists in the mass public have confounded two separate types of polarization. When social polarization is separated from issue position polarization, both ...sides of the polarization debate can be simultaneously correct. Social polarization, characterized by increased levels of partisan bias, activism, and anger, is increasing, driven by partisan identity and political identity alignment, and does not require the same magnitude of issue position polarization. The partisan-ideological sorting that has occurred in recent decades has caused the nation as a whole to hold more aligned political identities, which has strengthened partisan identity and the activism, bias, and anger that result from strong identities, even though issue positions have not undergone the same degree of polarization. The result is a nation that agrees on many things but is bitterly divided nonetheless. An examination of ANES data finds strong support for these hypotheses.
ABSTRACT
The article examines how the political capital of cultural anniversaries may promote national identity in an authoritarian state. It investigates whether the 1967 centenary of Käthe Kollwitz ...(1867–1945) helped the GDR to build a distinct national identity in common with the aims of similar commemorations in the GDR. The twin themes of demarcation from the FRG and appropriation of the German cultural heritage dominated the ideological framework for commemorations throughout GDR history. Primary sources on both sides of the Cold War appear to have accepted the work and life of Kollwitz as essentially linked to the GDR. This reduced the need for the GDR authorities to amplify this framework when planning events. Yet a closer analysis of how she was portrayed reveals discrepancies between the theory and practice of this commemoration. The article examines two types of anniversary activity. Firstly, a film in which various narratives proposing a politicised construct of Kollwitz as an anti‐fascist, communist, and pacifist appear to conflict with a domesticated paradigm of Kollwitz as ‘grieving mother’. Secondly, an anniversary exhibition that concentrates rather on framing the narrative of ‘Kämpferin für das Proletariat’. Despite these inconsistencies, Kollwitz's position as an existing socialist role model who contributed to the construct of GDR national identity was confirmed by the commemoration rather than noticeably strengthened.
Zusammenfassung
Der Artikel untersucht, wie das politische Kapital von kulturellen Jubiläen die nationale Identität in einem autoritären Staat stärken kann. Überprüft wird, ob das Hundertjahrjubiläum 1967 von Käthe Kollwitz (1867–1945) der DDR half, eine ausgeprägte nationale Identität in Übereinstimmung mit den Zielen gleichartiger Jubiläen aufzubauen. Die sich wechselseitig bedingenden Begriffe ʻAbgrenzungʼ gegenüber der BRD, und ʻAneignungʼ des Deutschen Kulturgutes beherrschten den ideologischen Rahmen für solche Gedenkfeiern während der gesamten Geschichte der DDR. Aber Primärquellen deuten darauf hin, dass die Akzeptanz offenbar auf beiden Seiten des Eisernen Vorhangs vorherrschte, dass das künstlerische Werk und das politische Leben der Kollwitz im Wesentlichen mit der DDR verbunden waren. Das verminderte den Druck auf die DDR‐Behörden, den genannten ideologischen Rahmen bei der Planung von Feiern zu betonen. Jedoch zeigt eine genauere Untersuchung der Art, wie diese Jubiläen durchgeführt wurden, dass es Diskrepanzen zwischen Theorie und Praxis gab. Der Artikel untersucht zwei solche Aktivitäten: Einerseits einen Film, in dem verschiedene Erzählstränge Kollwitz als ʻpolitisiertes Konstruktʼ darstellen – antifaschistisch, kommunistisch, pazifistisch. Diese Darstellungen scheinen hier mit dem Paradigma von Kollwitz als ʻtrauernder Mutterʼ in Konflikt zu geraten. Im Gegensatz dazu konzentriert sich die Gedenkausstellung zum Jubiläum darauf, sie als ʻKämpferin für das Proletariatʼ hervorzuheben. Trotz dieser Widersprüche wurde der Status von Kollwitz als bestehendes sozialistisches Vorbild, das zur nationalen Identität der DDR beitrug, durch die Gedenkfeiern neu bestätigt, aber nicht merklich verstärkt.
Understanding borders as powerful markers signifying state and nation, this paper seeks to uncover their actual meaning(s) for national identity held by ordinary citizens, as expressed on social ...media. As a case study, we focus on the "Evros incident," when some thousands of refugees were attempting to cross the Turkish-Greek border, supported by the Turkish government. Based on Twitter data we propose a methodology to uncover the social and political ground upon which national identity is discussed during critical events, as well as the contents of national identity evidenced in our corpus. Four main topics were found, focusing on popular geopolitics, the borders, the presentation of refugees as "invaders," and the portrait of "the enemy within." The finding that Greek national identity is divided, while so far extensively discussed theoretically was not yet empirically documented. Our research not only documents the division, but also exemplifies its contents.
This paper explores the everyday practices, forms, and means by which employees mobilize national identity as a tool of resistance in opposing managerial demands of their dual, global/Western and ...local/Japanese, organizational identity. Drawing on an ethnographic study of a Japanese subsidiary of a multinational corporation, we show how employees use national identity to invoke three forms of othering in constructing various resistant identities: individual employees’ resistant identities through verbal othering, expressed in employees’ talk; departmental resistant identities through spatial othering, referring to employees’ use of space; and subsidiary resistant identity through ritual othering, illustrating employees’ collective use of ritual practices and symbolic artifacts. Our study makes three significant theoretical contributions: First, by illustrating the ways and means by which employees take on different national identities to construct diverse and often contradictory resistant identities to their expected dual organizational identity, we highlight the changeable nature of national identity. Second, this study contributes to our understanding of contextual constituents that shape individuals’ identity-related resistance. By unraveling employees’ various resistance forms, we show how resistance dynamically takes on assorted manifestations according to the organizational level in which it occurs and the managerial demands being resisted. Third, we illustrate the constitutive resources of resistance by highlighting the diverse means used by employees to construct their resistant identities.
Zusammenfassung
Ausgehend von Sara Ahmeds Beobachtung, dass die Bekundung nationaler Scham ein Idealbild der Nation als gefühlte Gemeinschaft konstruiert, untersucht der Artikel die Bedeutung der ...Emotion Scham in einer Interviewstudie zum Thema nationale Identität mit deutschen Staatsbürger*innen im Kontext der Fußballweltmeisterstaft der Männer 2018. Dabei wird deutlich, dass das Thema nationale Scham innerhalb des Samples auf vielfältige Weise verhandelt wird und bei einigen Interviewten starke Ambivalenzen auslöst. Der Artikel arbeitet unterschiedliche Mechanismen heraus, die zur Überwindung dieser Ambivalenzen von den Interviewten angewendet werden – insbesondere das Konstrukt der gesellschaftlichen Mitte und die Inszenierung eines unpolitischen Raumes im Fußball – und untersucht kritisch deren Funktion hinsichtlich von Distinktionsgewinnen innerhalb der Nation wie auch nach außen.
Les conférences dites « Nazareth Jesberg, Bettina
Revue française de psychanalyse,
1/2024, Letnik:
88, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Recenzirano
L’article présente les conférences « Nazareth » initiées pour explorer les relations entre les Allemands, les Juifs israéliens et d’autres groupes en relation avec l’Holocauste ou d’autres conflits. ...Ces conférences ont été créées dans le but de mieux comprendre comment les sentiments et les fantasmes liés à l’identité nationale influencent les relations entre les groupes et comment ils affectent les perceptions du futur. L’article décrit également l’évolution de ces conférences depuis leur commencement en 1994, en élargissant leur thème pour inclure d’autres groupes et en se déplaçant dans différents pays. L’auteur fait part de ses expériences personnelles, mettant en lumière les défis et les prises de conscience qu’elle a rencontrés, elle souligne l’importance du travail psychanalytique dans la compréhension des conflits intergroupes et la nécessité de promouvoir le dialogue pour prévenir de futurs cycles de haine et de violence.
National identification strength is a key Euroscepticism driver. We examine how politicians’ framing of immigration policies increases the salience of different national identity representations and ...its relationship with support for the European Union (EU) in a two-waves between-subject survey-experiment using French and German samples. As predicted, exposure to assimilation frames (directly for the French sample or via frame perception for both samples) increased the salience of ethnocultural national identity representations. Additionally, as hypothesised, higher ethnocultural representations salience following assimilation frames exposure was related to higher Euroscepticism. However, feeling emotionally attached to the EU reduced this negative impact of ethnocultural national identity representations on EU attitudes. We discuss the role of ethnocultural nationalism in Euroscepticism and the importance of fostering stronger emotional ties to the EU.
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