Stalin's empire of memory Yekelchyk, Serhy
Stalin's empire of memory,
c2004, 20040218, 2014, 2004, c2004., 2015-01-15, 2004-01-01, 20040101
eBook
Based on declassified materials from eight Ukrainian and Russian archives,Stalin's Empire of Memory, offers a complex and vivid analysis of the politics of memory under Stalinism. Using the Ukrainian ...republic as a case study, Serhy Yekelchyk elucidates the intricate interaction between the Kremlin, non-Russian intellectuals, and their audiences.
Yekelchyk posits that contemporary representations of the past reflected the USSR's evolution into an empire with a complex hierarchy among its nations. In reality, he argues, the authorities never quite managed to control popular historical imagination or fully reconcile Russia's 'glorious past' with national mythologies of the non-Russian nationalities.
Combining archival research with an innovative methodology that links scholarly and political texts with the literary works and artistic images,Stalin's Empire of Memorypresents a lucid, readable text that will become a must-have for students, academics, and anyone interested in Russian history.
Constitutional Patriotism offers a new theory of citizenship and civic allegiance for today's culturally diverse liberal democracies. Rejecting conventional accounts of liberal nationalism and ...cosmopolitanism, Jan-Werner Mller argues for a form of political belonging centered on universalist norms, adapted for specific constitutional cultures. At the same time, he presents a novel approach to thinking about political belonging and the preconditions of democratic legitimacy beyond the nation-state. The book takes the development of the European Union as a case study, but its lessons apply also to the United States and other parts of the world. Mller's essay starts with an engaging historical account of the origins and spread of the concept of constitutional patriotism-the idea that political attachment ought to center on the norms and values of a liberal democratic constitution rather than a national culture or the "global human community." In a more analytical part, he then proposes a critical conception of citizenship that makes room for dissent and civil disobedience while taking seriously a polity's need for stability over time. Mller's theory of constitutional patriotism responds to the challenges of the de facto multiculturalism of today's states--with a number of concrete policy implications about immigration and the preconditions for citizenship clearly spelled out. And it asks what civic empowerment could mean in a globalizing world.
Aux armes, journaliste Lisa Bolz; Juliette Charbonneaux
Sur le journalisme,
06/2022, Letnik:
11, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
FR. En 1870, lorsqu’éclate la guerre entre la France et la Prusse, le reportage de guerre n’existe pas encore sous la forme contemporaine. Les journaux quotidiens couvrent pourtant ce conflit de ...près, en envoyant des correspondants sur le terrain. Depuis le début de l’ère médiatique1, c’est en effet la première guerre sur le sol français. Cet article se focalise sur le récit qui en fait par ces correspondants, français, dans l’optique de chercher à identifier comment s’y forme un « proto-reportage » de guerre. À partir de la perspective représentationnelle formulée par Louis Marin, l’article montre comment les récits de guerre produisent un « effet de sujet-reporter » et comment cette posture spécifique à la guerre contribue à faire évoluer le reportage. Partant du postulat que la guerre constitue un moment d’accélération et de densification de la poétique de ce genre journalistique en construction, l’analyse est centrée sur le méta-discours qui, dans les articles de cinq quotidiens français, Le Figaro, Le journal des débats politiques et littéraires, Le Petit Journal, La Liberté et Le Gaulois, accompagne la couverture des faits d’armes. Ce méta-discours permet de saisir l’affirmation d’une figure du proto-reporter de guerre, à travers le récit des difficultés à surmonter pour réussir à communiquer l’information au quotidien comme à travers son imbrication dans différentes figures du collectif, de l’armée française à la nation toute entière. Au long de ces deux axes, l’article met en lumière la participation de ce « proto-reportage » de guerre et, à travers lui, de la presse d’information à la structuration d’imaginaires nationaux et à la « biographie des nations », tels que théorisés par Benedict Anderson. *** EN. When the war between France and Prussia broke out in 1870 the so-called “war reportage” did not exist as it is known today. Yet, the daily newspapers closely followed and covered this conflict, by sending journalists on the battlefield. Since the beginning of the “media era” 2 this was the first war that took place on French soil. This paper focuses on the narrative of the war as it was written by the French journalists in order to identify how this narrative shaped a “proto war reportage”. From a representational perspective, based on the writings of Louis Marin, the article shows how war narratives produced a “subject-reporter effect” and how this war-specific posture contributed to the evolution of the reportage. With the assumption that war acts as an acceleration and densification process in the development of this journalistic genre the analysis focuses on the meta-discourse in five French newspapers (Le Figaro, Le journal des débats politiques et littéraires, Le Petit Journal, La Liberté and Le Gaulois) that went along with the coverage of military and war. This meta-discourse enables to understand the affirmation of the proto war reporter through the narrative of difficulties regarding the daily communication with the newsrooms as well as its affiliation to several collective imaginaries such as the greatness of the French army or the French nation. Along these two topics the article highlights how this “proto war reportage” and therefore the news press contributes to the construction of national imaginaries and the “biography of nations” as theorized by Benedict Anderson. *** PT. Em 1870, quando explode a guerra entre a França e a Prússia, a reportagem de guerra ainda não existe em sua forma contemporânea. Entretanto, os jornais diários já cobriam de perto o conflito, enviando correspondentes a campo. Desde o início da era midiática, essa foi, de fato, a primeira guerra em solo francês. Este artigo dá foco às narrativas apresentadas por esses correspondentes franceses, no intuito de mostrar como se forma uma "proto-reportagem" de guerra. Com base na perspectiva representacional formulada por Louis Marin, o artigo mostra como as narrativas de guerra produzem um "efeito de sujeito-repórter" e como essa postura específica frente à guerra contribuiu para a evolução da reportagem. Partindo da premissa de que a guerra constitui um momento de aceleração e densificação da poética desse gênero jornalístico em construção, a análise se concentra no meta-discurso que, nas matérias de cinco diários franceses, Le Figaro, Le journal des débats politiques et littéraires, Le Petit Journal, La Liberté e Le Gaulois, acompanha a cobertura dos conflitos armados. Pela análise desse meta-discurso, identifica-se a afirmação da figura do proto-repórter de guerra, que se manifestas tanto nos relatos das dificuldades enfrentadas para conseguir comunicar diariamente informações, como na relação com diferentes figuras do coletivo, do exército francês e da nação como um todo. Com base nessas duas perspectivas, o artigo destaca a participação dessa "proto-reportagem" de guerra e, por meio dela, da imprensa de notícias na estruturação dos imaginários nacionais e na "biografia das nações", tal como teorizou Benedict Anderson. ***
Political economy, John Shovlin asserts, can illuminate the social and economic contexts out of which a revolutionary impulse developed in France. Beyond the role of political economy in political ...life, massive public engagement with problems of economic order mediated an enduring cultural transformation. Economic activity was reimagined as a patriotic pursuit, and economic agents-farmers, merchants, and manufacturers-came to be viewed as potential citizens.
Drawing on hundreds of political economic tracts published in France between the 1740s and the early nineteenth century, Shovlin shows how mid-level French elites (magistrates, clerics, lawyers, soldiers, landed gentlemen) sought to balance their interests and values with the need to regenerate a nation that had seemingly entered a period of decline. In their view, France's moral, political, and economic power depended not simply on expanding the national wealth but also on reviving civic spirit. The "political economy of virtue" held that luxury was the cause of the nation's economic and moral degeneration. When the monarchy failed to reform its political economic structures in the 1760s and 1770s, mid-level elites sought to eliminate the stranglehold of the plutocracy.
Shovlin argues that the Revolution grew out of a debate on how to establish a commercial society capable of fostering both wealth and virtue, and the revolutionaries sought to create such a society by destroying the institutions that channeled modern wealth into the hands of courtiers and financiers.
Martha Nussbaum mener at forsvarere av samtidige liberale rettferdighetsteorier ikke har tatt innover seg det hun kaller anstendige samfunns moralpsykologi. Alle samfunn trenger emosjonell støtte, ...dette gjelder også liberale rettferdige samfunn. Liberale og rettferdige institusjoner som ivaretar menneskets verdighet, frihet, toleranse og respekt forutsetter at borgerne føler kjærlighet til disse institusjonene. Artikkelen diskuterer Nussbaums påstand om at rettferdighet forutsetter kjærlighet. Første del er en beskrivelse av det aspirerende samfunnet som Nussbaum legger til grunn i analysen sin. Andre del diskuterer hva politisk kjærlighet er. Del tre diskuterer patriotisk kjærlighet og hvorvidt patriotisme slik Nussbaum forstå det, er forenelig med politisk liberalisme og de rettferdighetsprinsippene hun selv forsvarer. Artikkelens siste del er en diskusjon av hvorvidt kjærlighet er tilstrekkelig for å motvirke strukturell urettferdighet.
During the Civil War, Walt Whitman described his admiration for the Union soldiers' loyalty to the ideal of democracy. His argument, that this faith bonded Americans to their nation, has received ...little critical attention, yet today it raises increasingly relevant questions about American patriotism in the face of growing nationalist sentiment worldwide. Here a group of scholars explores the manner in which Americans have discussed and practiced their patriotism over the past two hundred years. Their essays investigate, for example, the extent to which the promise of democracy has explained citizen loyalty, what other factors--such as devotion to home and family--have influenced patriotism, and how patriotism has often served as a tool to maintain the power of a dominant group and to obscure internal social ills. This volume examines the use of patriotic language and symbols in building unity in the early republic, rebuilding the nation after the Civil War, and sustaining loyalty in an increasingly diverse society. Continuing through the World Wars to the Clinton presidency, the essay topics range from multiculturalism to reactions toward masculine power. In addition to the editor, the contributors include Cynthia M. Koch, Cecilia Elizabeth O'Leary, Andrew Neather, Stuart McConnell, Gaines M. Foster, Kimberly Jensen, David Glassberg and J. Michael Moore, Lawrence R. Samuel, Robert B. Westbrook, Wendy Kozol, George Lipsitz, Barbara Truesdell, Robin Wagner-Pacifici, and William B. Cohen.
Between the 1830s and 1880s European problems had a profound impact on British politics. Jonathan Parry examines the effect on the British Liberal movement of the most significant of these, such as ...the 1848 Revolutions, the unification of Italy, the Franco-Prussian War and the Eastern Question, arguing that these European problems made patriotism a major political question: governments were judged by their success in promoting British interests abroad, but also by the purity, potency and 'Englishness' of the political values they represented. This volume makes a major contribution towards understanding three important aspects of nineteenth-century British history: British attitudes to Europe, contemporary notions of national identity, and the nature and dynamic of British Liberalism. Setting foreign and domestic policy discussions in a patriotic framework, Parry offers an analysis of the ideas that influenced the Liberal political coalition and the turning-points affecting its vigour and unity as a political movement.
Cet article étudie la figure du soldat dans Le Confessioni d’un Italiano (1857) d’Ippolito Nievo. L’auteur cherche à démontrer que les trois principales interprétations différentes que le roman ...propose sont les trois étapes d’un parcours de formation tout d’abord individuel que l’auteur considère comme indispensable pour aboutir à la réalisation de l’Unité italienne.
Dissent: The Highest Stage of Patriotism is a treatise on dissent as the acme of love for one's fatherland. Arguing against the grain, the author avoids smug patriotism; that which manages to make ...everything about the homeland flawless and beautiful. It is the author's conviction that the greatness of a nation resides not in citizens' blind sycophancy, but rather in their willingness to call into question dereliction of duty by political leadership. The goal of this book is to educate global citizens on the quintessence of political vigilance.
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