This open access book discusses the impact of protracted peace processes on identities in conflict. It is concerned with how lingering peace processes affect, in the long-term, patterns of othering ...in protracted conflicts, and how this relates with enduring violence. Taking Israel and Palestine as a case study, the book traces different representations of success and failure of the protracted peace process, as well as its associated policies, narratives, norms and practices, to analyze its impact on identity and its contribution to the maintenance and/or transformation of the cultural component of violence. On the one hand, drawing from an interdisciplinary approach comprising International Relations (IR), History and Social Psychology, this book proposes an analytical framework for assessing the specificities of the construction of identities in protracted conflicts. It identifies dehumanization and practices of reconciliation in ongoing conflicts – what is called peace-less reconciliation – as the main elements influencing processes of othering and violence in this kind of conflicts. On the other hand, the book offers an empirical historical analysis on how the protracted peace process has impacted identity building and representations made of the ‘other’ in the case of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict since the end of the 19th century to the present day.
This text is the result of the joint work of an interdisciplinary group of research professors of the Corporación Universitaria Americana who have been working on issues of conflict and peace from ...its different facets and actors. The question this book seeks to answer is: what are the determining factors in the continuities and discontinuities that the peacebuilding process in Colombia has experienced? In order to answer this question, a historical, political and legal approach to the Colombian armed conflict is combined.
For as long as people have been working to bring peace to areas suffering long-standing, violent conflict, there have also been those working to spoil this peace. These "spoilers" work to disrupt the ...peace process, and often this disruption takes the form of violence on a catastrophic level. Galia Golan and Gilead Sher offer a broader perspective. They examine this phenomenon by analyzing groups who have spoiled or attempted to spoil peace efforts by political or other nonviolent means. By focusing in particular on the Israeli-Arab conflict, this collection of essays considers the impact of a democratic society operating within a broader context of violence. Contributors bring to light the surprising efforts of negotiators, members of the media, political leaders, and even the courts to disrupt the peace process, and they offer coping strategies for addressing this kind of disruption. Taking into account the multitude of factors that can lead to the breakdown of negotiations,Spoiling and Coping with Spoilersshows how spoilers have been a key factor in Israeli-Arab negotiations in the past and explores how they will likely shape negotiations in the future.
1. This book is an unusual and provocative consideration of negotiations and peace processes-one of the most important issues facing the world today. It offers insights and take-aways for future negotiations in the Middle East and beyond. As an edited collection, the form of the book encourages dialogue between a wide range of fields and experiences.
2. Galia Golan is a distinguished senior scholar with more than a dozen books to her credit and an extensive history of involvement in peace organizations, particularly those involving women. She was voted 2015 "Woman Peacemaker" by the Joan Kroc Insititute for Peace and Justice and was awarded the Distinguished Scholar Award from the International Studies Association for her work in peace research.
3. Gilead Sher is former Chief of Staff and Policy Coordinator to Prime Minister and Minister of Defense Ehud Barak (2000-2001). He was a senior negotiator at the 2000 Camp David summit and the 2001 Taba talks. He leads the Center for Applied Negotiations at the Tel Aviv Institute for National Security Studies. He has published in peace negotiations and has been guest lecturer at Harvard Law School (2016), Wharton School of Business (2001-2011), and Tel Aviv University (2007-2013).
Despite the persistent animosity between Palestinians and Israelis, the portrayal of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has undergone significant changes over time. The concept of normalization, ...integral to the peace process, has gained increasing prominence. Nevertheless, this concept has acted as a divisive force within the Palestinian political landscape in the West Bank, creating a clear divide between advocates and opponents. Employing a rigorously validated 19-item factorial questionnaire, the present mixed-method study endeavors to elucidate the perspectives of Palestinian university students regarding the stagnated peace process, the normalization of relations, and the security coordination with Israel. The findings of this study shed light on several intricate associations among the examined variables. They underscore that economic, political, and security considerations serve as pivotal factors contributing to the stance of Palestinian youth, wherein they show support for armed resistance and concurrently express opposition towards both normalization and security coordination with Israel. Ultimately, the study's culmination underscores a discernible pattern – that Palestinians could potentially embrace the prospect of normalizing relations with Israel and embarking on the path of peaceful coexistence, provided Israel acknowledges their rights and facilitates the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.
The Israel-Palestine conflict is one of the world's most polarizing confrontations. Its current phase, Israel's "temporary" occupation of the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem, turns a half century ...old in June 2017. This book shows what is the occupation, why has it lasted so long, and how has it transformed the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?
Norway is widely accepted as a global leader in peacemaking, due to its lengthy track record of involvement in complex peace processes. Its predilection for peacemaking is usually interpreted as a ...form of 'status-seeking' by a smaller state, aimed at enhancing Norway's influence and reputation in the international system. However, this perception offers a limited view and obscures other motivations that drive Norway to peacemaking. Aimed at addressing this gap, this paper dissects Norwegian peacemaking efforts in Myanmar between 2011 and 2019. The paper utilises a critical political economy lens to uncover the deeper motivations underpinning Norwegian peacemaking, drawing on new interview fieldwork with diverse stakeholders in Myanmar's peace process. The paper finds that material interests, including the desire to access new markets in the Global South, have played a significant role in influencing Norwegian peacemaking, highlighting the instrumental potential of 'status-seeking' in foreign policy. Concerningly, this strategy has served the interests of dominant power groups in Myanmar, contributing to the subordination of minority actors, thus compromising their engagement and revealing an image of Norway that belies constructivist perceptions of its status as a moral or humanitarian 'great power'.
A case for agonistic peacebuilding in Colombia González Martín, Diana; Lauge Hansen, Hans; Parra Grondona, Agustín
Third world quarterly,
06/2022, Letnik:
43, Številka:
6
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
The purpose of this article is to discuss the concept of agonistic peacebuilding in the light of the ongoing peace process in Colombia. We subscribe to an approach to agonistic peacebuilding that ...acknowledges conflict as an inevitable but also possibly productive dynamic. We think that the work by the Colombian research programme La paz es una obra de arte (Peace Is a Work of Art) is an inspiring case to analyse from this perspective. This programme, based at the University of Antioquia in Medellín, helps us understand in depth how agonistic peacebuilding strategies work through the arts, using clown interventions to foster life story narratives in order to transform former enemies into adversaries and engage all actors in the creation of peace.
In The Power of Dialogue between Israelis and Palestinians , scholar and activist Nava Sonnenschein shares a collection of twenty-five powerful interviews she conducted with Palestinian and Jewish ...Israeli alumni of peacebuilding courses, a decade after their graduation. Participants with diverse personal and professional backgrounds completed a series of conflict transformation workshops using the model developed by the School for Peace at the world’s only intentional Jewish-Palestinian community, Neve Shalom-Wahat al-Salam (“Oasis of Peace” in Hebrew and Arabic). Critically, the interviews vividly demonstrate that peacebuilding does not end with the courses. Most of the graduates choose to work professionally in roles that contribute to peace-building. Sonnenschein shows the transformational potential of encounter between members of groups in conflict, sharing how ordinary Israelis and Palestinians coming together in an open and honest environment undergo life-changing experiences that provide concrete hope for a sustainable path to a peaceful shared existence as equals in Israel and Palestine.
For those who spoke on behalf of Leave voters, the result on 23 June 2016 meant the people of the United Kingdom were taking back ‘control’ or getting their ‘own country back’. However, two parts of ...the United Kingdom did not vote Leave: Scotland and Northern Ireland. Here, the significant counterpoint to ‘taking back control is “waking up in a different country”’, and this sentiment has unique political gravity. Its unique gravity involves two distinct but intimately related matters. The first concerns the politics of identity. The vote was mainly, if not entirely, along nationalist/unionist lines, confirming an old division: unionists were staking a ‘British’ identity by voting Leave, and nationalists an Irish one by voting Remain. The second concerns borders. The Good Friday/Belfast Agreement of 1998 meant taking the border out of Irish politics. Brexit means running the border between the European Union (EU) and the United Kingdom across the island as a sovereign ‘frontier’. Although this second matter is discussed mainly in terms of the implications for free movement of people and goods, we argue that it is freighted with meanings of identity. Brexit involves a ‘border in the mind’, those shifts in self-understanding, individually and collectively, attendant upon the referendum. This article examines this ‘border in the mind’ according to its effects on identity, politics and the constitution, and their implications for political stability in Northern Ireland.
PDF
