The Third Panglong Peace Conference convened in Naypyitaw in July 2018 has led to the accession of two more armed groups to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement bringing the total number of signatories ...to ten groups now. Conversely, this development has weakened the United Nationalities Federal Council that previously housed the non-signatories collectively. There were far less agreements this time around and major sticking points include the military's insistence that the armed groups agree not to secede from the Union of Myanmar which the latter have refused thus far. The military is also interested in discussing disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration while the armed groups are keen on broader security reforms. China again facilitated the Northern Alliance's attendance of the meeting.
Foreign Investors and the Colombian Peace Process Gomez-Suarez, Andrei; Perrone, Nicolás M; Prieto Ríos, Enrique
International community law review,
01/2016, Letnik:
18, Številka:
3-4
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
The International Investment Regime (iir) materialises in international arbitral tribunals that protect the rights of foreign investors. Could these tribunals hamper the implementation of exceptional ...measures agreed to end armed conflicts? The principle of proportionality, usually employed to balance competing demands such as the interests of international investors and the right of states to self-determination, could fall short when it comes to the concept of a nation and a society's right to peace. Focusing on the Colombian peace process, this article argues that the agreement on land redistribution, a cornerstone of the peace agreements, benefits the whole society, including foreign investors. However, the colonialist nature of the iir could lead foreign investors, who see their investments and expected profits affected, to demand compensation for governmental land acquisition. The Colombian case suggests powerful lessons for the willingness of transitional states to defend their people's right to peace in international tribunals.
The aim of this article is to analyse the role of Russia in the transformation of the Georgian-Ossetian conflict and analyse this important period in the history of the Caucasus, where Georgia and ...its secessionist region of South Ossetia have been trying to find a peaceful solution to their post-war situation. Major milestones of the official peace process are set in the context of Russian-Georgian relations. We then proceed to the analysis of the internal changes within the Russian Federation at the turn of the millennium and try to find a connection between this internal transformation of Russia and the transformation of the conflict in South Ossetia. The most important factors behind the more assertive approach by the Russian Federation towards Georgia in the last decade are considered: internal centralisation of power and economic growth of the Russian Federation, the reinforcement of the importance of the South Caucasus as part of the geopolitical discourse within the Russian Federation, the deterioration in Russian-Georgian relations, and the suppression of the fear of the spill-over effect since the end of Second Chechen War.
The paradox of political violence Ayyash, Mark Muhannad
European journal of social theory,
08/2013, Letnik:
16, Številka:
3
Journal Article
Recenzirano
This article explores the paradoxical relationship between politics and violence in the concept of political violence. By examining the works of prominent theorists, such as Hannah Arendt and Frantz ...Fanon, the article highlights both the difficulty of separating politics and violence, and the improbability of formulating a harmonious relationship between them. Engaging with some of Michel Foucault’s work on power and violence, the article begins to formulate a theoretical approach that conceptualizes political violence in its inherently paradoxical condition.
Peacebuilding Jenkins, Rob
2013, 20130215, 2013-02-15, 20130101, Letnik:
72
eBook
The emergence of The United Nations Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) in 2005 was the culmination of a long and contentious process. In this work Rob Jenkins provides a concise introduction that traces ...the origins and evolution of peacebuilding as a concept, the creation and functioning of the PBC as an institution, and the complicated relationship between these two processes.
Jenkins discusses how continued contestation over what exactly peacebuilding is, and how its objectives can most effectively be achieved, influenced the institutional design and de facto functioning of the PBC, its structure, mandate and origins. He then moves on to examine the peacebuilding architecture in action and analyses the role that the PBC has carved out for itself, reflecting on the future prospects for the organization.
The theory and practice of peacebuilding has assumed increasing importance over the last decade, and this work is essential reading for all students of conflict resolution, peace studies and international relations.
As a consequence of the popularity of integrated and nationally owned peace processes, aligning external actors to a national peacebuilding strategy has become part of the recipe for success. Using ...the case of Sierra Leone, this article engages with the question of what constructing such unified peacebuilding agenda in fragile states means politically. Contrasting the purpose of peacebuilding with the practices through which it is carried out, the article argues that the implementation of a unified peacebuilding agenda to a large extent undermines the liberal pretences of peacebuilding. While the integration of government, civil society and donors works to portray a more ordered society in countries where the lack of such order has been a manifest security problem, it also works to undermine the crucial autonomy of and accountability between them.
한반도 비핵평화 프로세스: 포괄적 합의, 단계적 이행 이호철; Hochul Lee
Korea and World Politics,
03/2019, Letnik:
35, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
남북 간, 북미 간 정상회담을 통해 합의된 한반도 비핵평화 프로세스는 비핵화, 평화체제 구축, 북미관계 정상화, 남북관계 개선·발전 등의 하위 프로세스들을 담고 있다. 한반도를 새로운 평화와 번영의 터전으로 전환시키기 위해서는 비핵평화 프로세스를 반드시 실현해야 한다. 2019년 하노이 북미정상회담에서 합의가 무산된 이후 워싱턴의 비핵화 접근은 포괄적 ...합의 혹은 빅딜 방식으로 수렴되고 있다. 그러나 비핵화, 평화체제 구축, 북미수교, 남북관계 개선·발전, 대북제재 조정 등이 한 번에 동시적으로 이행되기는 사실상 불가능할 것이다.
따라서 이 연구는 ‘포괄적 합의, 단계적 이행’ 방식을 제안한다. 이는 북미와 남북미가 ‘비핵평화 단계적 이행 로드맵’ 전체를 협상하고 합의하는 것이다. 이러한 단계적 이행 로드맵이 합의되면 한국과 미국은 국회와 의회에 보고하고 지원을 요청함으로써 순조로운 이행을 담보할 수 있을 것이다. 하노이 북미정상회담에서 합의가 무산된 이후 한국 정부의 비핵평화 외교의 필요성은 더욱 커졌다. 한국 정부는 남북 간 대화와 한미협조를 통해 단계적 이행 로드맵의 초안을 작성하고 북미에 제안할 수 있을 것이다.
The ‘Denuclearization and Peace Process of the Korean Peninsula(DPP)’ has been agreed on through inter-Korean and DPRK-U.S. summit meetings. The DPP includes denuclearization, peace regime building, establishing new DPRK-U.S. relations, and developing inter-Korean relations. To turn the Korean Peninsula into a new ground of peace and prosperity, the DPP has to be implemented. After ‘no deal’ at the Hanoi summit meeting in 2019, Washington’s approach to denuclearization seems to converge toward ‘big deal’ or comprehensive agreement. However, all the measures relating to denuclearization, peace regime building, diplomatic normalization, developing inter-Korean relations, and adjusting sanctions on North Korea could not be implemented simultaneously in one step.
This study suggests ‘comprehensive agreement on step-by-step implementation’. Thus, North Korea, the U.S., and South Korea need to negotiate and agree on a ‘roadmap of step-by-step implementation’ of the whole process of the DPP at working or high level meetings. If three parties agree on a roadmap of implementation, the U.S. and South Korea need to report it to the Congress and National Assembly to secure political support in implementing the DPP. South Korea’s DPP diplomacy has become more necessary after the U.S. and North Korea failed to reach an agreement at Hanoi summit meeting. To move the DPP forward, South Korea needs to consider a draft of a roadmap of step-by-step implementation of the DPP through inter-Korean dialogue and consultation with the U.S. for the negotiation between North Korea and the U.S.
Murals have figured as a prominent feature of the visual environment of Northern Ireland since the early twentieth century, developing, during the Troubles, into one of the best-known examples of ...political art in the world. This article examines the position occupied by these murals in the period (since 1994) of the peace process. It focuses on the multi-government-agency Re-imaging Communities programme (launched in 2006) and its attempt to intervene in the visual environment and steer the Northern Ireland muralscape away from expressions of sectarianism towards more 'positive' themes. The aims and achievements of this programme (to date) are assessed, along with the issues the programme and related initiatives raise with regard to the governance of the visual environment. The article moves on to examine a further means by which murals have been repositioned in the period since 1994 - the attempt to present them as tourist attractions - and closes by discussing the issues raised for remembering the Troubles by these interventions in and attempts to reconfigure Northern Ireland's murals.
En Colombia se siente un ambiente de cambio, en un momento en que se adelantan negociaciones de paz con las FARC, después de más de medio siglo de conflicto armado. En diversos aspectos, las ...negociaciones de paz hacen eco en cuestiones aún no resultas en la sociedad como los problemas de desarrollo rural y la falta de participación política de los movimientos de izquierda, que hasta hace dos décadas, fue obstruida por el bipartidismo. En este escenario los acuerdos de La Habana y el posconflicto se han convertido en el epicentro de la política y en la mayor apuesta del Gobierno para ganar los próximos comicios. Este artículo analiza el penúltimo año de la presidencia de Juan Manuel Santos, sus principales decisiones en política nacional e internacional y señala la configuración de fuerzas para las elecciones del 2014. Palabras clave: Juan Manuel Santos, proceso de paz, movilizaciones campesinas, elecciones 2014. After over half a century of armed conflict, the political atmosphere in Colombia is changing. Peace talks with the FARC (Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces) have spurred public debate around two unresolved issues: rural development, and the political participation of left-wing parties -hindered by bipartisanism until two decades ago. In this scenario, the Habana agreements and an eventual post-conflict have become the center of the political arena as well as the major asset of the government facing the next election. This paper analyses the next-to-last year of Juan Manuel Santos's presidency, the major decisions in national and international policy, and indicates the configuration of forces for the 2014 elections. Key words: Juan Manuel Santos, Peace process, farmer mobilisation, 2014 elections.
Existing research on international mediation emphasizes the importance of leverage in altering the combatants' ability to reach a negotiated settlement. Less understood is the role of third parties ...that do not have access to sources of leverage even though they comprise a substantial amount of mediation efforts. This paper highlights two potential explanations for the prevalence of "weak" mediators. First, a choice of third parties without leverage might be a product of the "supply side" preferences of the international community, in particular, the great powers. Second, the inclusion of third parties without any leverage can result from actors hedging their commitments to the peace process when they suspect with some uncertainty that one side will use third-party involvement insincerely for ends other than peace. Using data from the Managing Intrastate Low Level Conflicts (MILC) project, in conjunction with the PRIO/UPPSALA Armed Conflict data, empirical results using competing risk models confirm both logics. Mediators with weak leverage are more likely when an actor has strong incentives to stall: specifically, when the immediate costs of conflict are high, there is domestic political pressure in the absence of democratic accountability, and relative bargaining power is shifting. The findings also suggest that supply-side dynamics matter. Weak mediators are less likely in the presence of substantial foreign investment and in neighborhoods with strong states, but mediators of all types are more likely in democratic neighborhoods. To further explore the role of insincere motivations, the paper considers the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) in Sri Lanka, brokered by Norway.
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