Neste artigo, analisa-se a desestabilização da democracia constitucional brasileira durante o mandato de Jair Bolsonaro e suas implicações para as políticas de direitos. Aborda-se o tema a partir dos ...conceitos de ordem constitucional e regime constitucional. Apresenta-se a atuação presidencial enquanto encenação do grotesco da democracia, produzindo instabilidade política por meio da desestruturação dos fundamentos normativos, do ordenamento jurídico e do domínio de realidade da ordem constitucional de 1988, de modo a promover a passagem a uma situação pós-constitucional. Ainda que não tenha havido a superação da ordem constitucional, com o mandato de Bolsonaro, o regime constitucional neoliberal democrático sofreu reconfigurações nas relações entre os poderes do Estado, nas práticas eleitorais e nas políticas de desenvolvimento. A análise tem como foco central os efeitos dessas mudanças para as políticas de direitos no sentido de esvaziarem a identidade dos agentes como cidadãos, precarizando os apoios institucionais ao exercício de seus direitos e promovendo formas de subjetivação receptivas ao discurso reacionário e às políticas neoconservadoras. A pesquisa baseou-se em revisão da bibliografia, fontes documentais e de mídia, mas ela se fundamenta, primordialmente, nas discussões e reflexões dos autores sobre sua experiência enquanto protagonistas do seu tempo.
Tim Marshall's Prisoners of Geography, published in 2015, is an in-depth examination of the influence that geographic features exert on the geopolitical strategies, international law, historical ...trajectories, and socioeconomic events of nations. Marshall is an experienced foreign correspondent, drawing on his extensive experience and knowledge of world history and geopolitics.
Border disputes, conflicts, and war have long existed and have evidenced impacts on financial markets. However, the extant literature needs to be revisited in light of existing contributions and ...underlying gaps to provide further insights into future research agendas. We conducted a bibliometric analysis of 215 articles published in high-quality journals to show the publication and citation trends in the war literature concentrated on financial markets. Concomitantly, while highlighting the most influential articles, contemporary themes, and the intellectual structure of the war literature on financial markets, we show the top contributing journals with the most prolific authors and their affiliated countries. Extant literature sheds light on how border disputes, conflicts, and war, while impacting macroeconomic variables, have impacted returns, volatility, and stability of the global financial markets. We provide eight clusters defining the concentration of the available literature and six broader areas directing future research.
•We provide a systemic literature review of border conflict effects on financial markets.•We identify major players and authors, highlight crucial journals and show how the area has evolved.•The extant literature is concentrated around eight clusters.•We provide six broader areas directing future research.
Security challenges, risks, and threats, beyond traditional forms, have become so complex that understanding them is a way of identifying specific types of interaction that threaten security. Climate ...change and global warming can have serious consequences for human health, social and economic development. Intensifying climate change can increase the risk of political unrest and conflict in countries whose economic and social development is conditioned by free access to natural resources. The cause of conflict is never easy to determine because it is a set of different factors that interact with one another. A brief overview of conflicts in Africa with a particular focus on conflicts in Ethiopia and the region is presented. Th is paper reports on the complexity and interdependence of climate change and its consequences on political decisions, social unrest, forced migration and civil and international conflicts.
ABSTRACT
The political economy of violence in Central America is widely perceived as having undergone a critical shift during the past two decades, often pithily summarized as a movement from ...‘political’ to ‘social’ violence. Although such an analysis is plausible, it also offers a depoliticized vision of the contemporary Central American panorama of violence. Basing itself principally on the example of Nicaragua, the country in the region that is historically perhaps most paradigmatically associated with violence, this article offers an alternative interpretation of the changes that the regional landscape of violence has undergone. It suggests that these are better understood as a movement from ‘peasant wars of the twentieth century’ (Wolf, 1969) to ‘urban wars of the twenty‐first century’ (Beall, 2006), thereby highlighting how present‐day urban violence can in many ways be seen as representing a structural continuation of past political conflicts, albeit in new spatial contexts. At the same time, however, there are certain key differences between past and present violence, as a result of which contemporary conflict has intensified. This is most visible in relation to the changing forms of urban spatial organization in Central American cities, the heavy‐handed mano dura response to gangs by governments, and the dystopian evolutionary trajectory of gangs. Taken together, these processes point to a critical shift in the balance of power between rich and poor in the region, as the new ‘urban wars of the twenty‐first century’ are increasingly giving way to more circumscribed ‘slum wars’ that effectively signal the defeat of the poor.
This paper measures the macroeconomic influence of recent political crisis, protest and uprisings in Africa with the generalized synthetic control method and evaluates the role played by natural ...resource dependence on the modulation of the nexus. We find that political crisis, protests and uprisings have a significant and negative nexus with economic growth while the nexus is positive with investment and price level. For economic growth, the deviation of the actual series from the counterfactual is negative, instantaneous, persistent and highly significant; indicating non-negligible costs of the shock. Indeed, dependence on natural resources amplifies the negative influence of political crisis, protests and uprisings on GDP. Finally, the more the treated country depends on natural resources, the more it becomes resilient to the investment losses caused by political crisis.
For over two decades, geographers concerned with undoing what Judith Butler has referred to as ‘the conceit of anthropocentrism’ have brought animals in from the margins of thought. Geography's ...contributions to animal studies have been diverse, but a key consideration has been a retreat from thinking with animals toward a plural, more-than-human analysis. A recent privileging of ‘spaces of encounter’ with nonhuman others challenges the significance of animals altogether, equating them to other nonhuman entities—along with nonliving processes, the movement of molecules, viruses, forces, and affects that circulate and connect in ‘events’ and ‘sites’—on the terrain of ethical and political conflict. There is much at stake here in terms of how geographical methods are carried out and how response, analysis, and political action proceed. In what follows, I reflect on field notes from an ethnographic encounter with lobster experimentation in a neuroscience laboratory to contrast thinking ‘with animals' and ‘with encounters’. I assess the implications of each for transforming who and what we consider in ethical and political terms. I find that while the encounter moves beyond the limitations of more traditionally defined animal studies, a corresponding focus on the present loses sight of wider temporal and spatial relations—including the political economies—that are relevant to the elements in any encounter. Drawing on Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Astrid Schrader, I argue for a geography of the encounter that ‘expands the present’ rather than residing in it, with consequences for the ‘new materialism’ movement. In the case of the lobster experiment, this leads me to consider how scientific practices with animals are also immediately a part of ongoing trends in the US that ‘militarize’ biological life. In conclusion, I argue that concern for animals in the laboratory ought to expand to include concern for past and future political conditions of life, death, and the production of knowledge.
Policymakers and scholars have turned their attention to federalism as a means for managing conflicts between central governments and subnational interests. But both the theoretical literature and ...the empirical track record of federations make for opposing conclusions concerning federalism's ability to prevent civil conflict. This article argues that the existing literature falls short on two accounts: first, it lacks a systematic comparison of peaceful and conflict-ridden cases across federal states, and second, while some studies acknowledge that there is no one-sizefits-all federal solution, the conditional ingredients of peace-preserving federalism have not been theorized. The authors make the argument that the peace-preserving effect of specific federal traits—fiscal decentralization, fiscal transfers, and political copartisanship—are conditional on a society's income level and ethnic composition. The argument is tested across twenty-two federal states from 1978 to 2000.
Politics, security, theory Waever, Ole
Security dialogue,
08/2011, Letnik:
42, Številka:
4/5
Journal Article
Recenzirano
This article outlines three ways of analysing the 'politics of securitization', emphasizing an often-overlooked form of politics practised through theory design. The structure and nature of a theory ...can have systematic political implications. Analysis of this 'politics of securitization' is distinct from both the study of political practices of securitization and explorations of competing concepts of politics among security theories. It means tracking what kinds of analysis the theory can produce and whether such analysis systematically impacts real-life political struggles. Securitization theory is found to 'act politically' through three structural features that systematically shape the political effects of using the theory. The article further discusses – on the basis of the preceding articles in the special issue – three emerging debates around securitization theory: ethics, transformations and post-Western analyses. The article finally suggests one possible way forward for securitization theory: a route built on first clarifying its concept of theory, then specifying more clearly the place of political theory and causal mechanisms in different parts of the analysis. The politics of securitization accordingly becomes sharpened. Instead of deducing the political quality of the theory from various empirical statements by its proponents, this approach zooms in on the very core of the theory: how does it structurally condition work done with it in systematically political ways?
Why is the "neutrality" of Supreme Court decisionmaking a matter of persistent political disagreement? What should be done to mitigate such conflict? Once the predominant focus of constitutional law ...scholarship, efforts to answer these questions are now widely viewed as evincing misunderstandings of what can be coherently demanded of theory and realistically expected of judges. This Foreword attributes the Court's "neutrality crisis" to a very different form of misunderstanding. The study of motivated reasoning (in particular, cultural cognition) shows that individuals are predisposed to fit their perceptions of policy-relevant facts to their group commitments. In the course of public deliberations, these facts become suffused with antagonistic meanings that transform utilitarian policymaking into occasions for symbolic status competition. These same dynamics, this Foreword argues, make constitutional decisionmaking the focus of status competition among groups whose members are unconsciously motivated to fit perceptions of the Court's decisions to their values. Theories of constitutional neutrality do not address the distinctive cognitive groundings of this form of illiberal conflict; indeed, they make it worse by promoting idioms of justification, in Court opinions and public discourse generally, that reinforce the predisposition of diverse groups to attribute culturally partisan aims to those who disagree with them. Just as the divisive effects of motivated reasoning on policy deliberations can be offset by science communication techniques that avoid selectively threatening any group's cultural worldview, so public confidence in the Supreme Court's neutrality can be restored by the Court's communication of meanings that uniformly affirm the values of culturally diverse citizens.
PDF
