Palabras Claves: Mujeres, participación política, feminismos, Malleco, Cautín Abstract This article analyzes womens participation and political organization in the provinces of Malleco and Cautín ...from 1930 to 1950 in an international context marked by the presence of womens and feminist movements that demanded civil and political rights. The research results show that women organized themselves politically in a diversity of tendencies, linking themselves to the traditional parties, but also building their associations. Las provincias de Cautín y Malleco -que son el foco de esta investigación- forman parte del territorio de La Araucanía, geo denominación dada por el Estado chileno luego de la ocupación cívico-militar del territorio mapuche4, proceso denominado como 'Pacificación' por la historiografía conservadora y marcado por el despojo material y cultural que vivió el pueblo Mapuche de su territorio (Nahuelpán 2012; Pineda 2014), además del avance del colonialismo interno (González 2006; Nahuelpán y Antimil 2019). Sin embargo, Calfio (2009) indica que esta visión es reduccionista, ya que, si bien estos espacios eran de orden femenino, efectivamente ellas tenían grados de dominio mayor que los que les asignaban los cronistas, lo que era patente en su autonomía económica y manejo de múltiples oficios. Otro aspecto interesante es la sexualidad, ya que en ese plano las mujeres mapuche disfrutaban de mayor libertad que las mujeres cristianas, sobre todo en su etapa de soltería (Reulel 2016; Calfio 2012; Subercaseaux 2016).
Concern that donations to political campaigns secure preferential treatment from policy makers has long occupied judges, scholars, and the public. However, the effects of contributions on policy ...makers' behavior are notoriously difficult to assess. We present the first randomized field experiment on the topic. The experiment focuses on whether contributions facilitate access to influential policy makers. In the experiment, a political organization attempted to schedule meetings between 191 congressional offices and the organization's members in their districts who were campaign donors. However, the organization randomly assigned whether it revealed to congressional offices that prospective attendees had contributed to campaigns. When informed prospective attendees were political donors, senior policy makers made themselves available between three and four times more often. These findings underscore concerns about the Supreme Court's recent decisions deregulating campaign finance.
This article introduces the CHISOLS (Change in Source of Leader Support) dataset, which identifies which leadership changes within countries bring to power a new leader whose primary support is drawn ...from different societal groups than those who supported her predecessor. The dataset covers all countries of the world with populations greater than 500,000 from 1919 to 2008. We discuss the underlying rationale of our data collection, provide some brief information about the coding rules and procedures, and share some descriptive statistics. We find that changes in sources of leader support are more common in democracies than non-democracies, but also that changes in sources of leader support often occur without irregular leader transitions or large institutional changes, even within non-democracies. CHISOLS can be productively combined with other datasets like POLITY, Archigos, and DPI that provide information about political institutions, modes of leader transition, and placement on a leftright policy continuum, but CHISOLS also provides something new that was not previously available. These data allow researchers to study the extent to which different types of policy change are associated with all leader transitions, with changes in political institutions, or with changes in the set of interests that leaders most closely represent; CHISOLS facilitates comparing the effect of leaders, interests, and institutions on policy change across a wide spatial temporal domain.
Local elections in May 2015 represented a major shift in the political history of Barcelona (Spain). The Barcelona en Comú candidacy, born in January 2015 under the impetus of a set of progressive ...social and political organizations, became the first municipal political force in the city. This article analyzes the cycle of creation, electoral victory, and government action of Barcelona en Comú during the current legislature (2015-2019). In so doing, the article focuses its attention on the emancipatory urban political practices emerged in recent years in response to the fractures and contradictions generated by neoliberal austerity. In dialogue with the literature on social movements and urban neoliberalism, the article focuses its attention on the challenges and opportunities that the local institutionalization of these forms of counterpolitics entails.
We propose that political extremists use more negative language than moderates. Previous research found that conservatives report feeling happier than liberals and yet liberals “display greater ...happiness” in their language than do conservatives. However, some of the previous studies relied on questionable measures of political orientation and affective language, and no studies have examined whether political orientation and affective language are nonlinearly related. Revisiting the same contexts (Twitter, U.S. Congress), and adding three new ones (political organizations, news media, crowdsourced Americans), we found that the language of liberal and conservative extremists was more negative and angry in its emotional tone than that of moderates. Contrary to previous research, we found that liberal extremists’ language was more negative than that of conservative extremists. Additional analyses supported the explanation that extremists feel threatened by the activities of political rivals, and their angry, negative language represents efforts to communicate as much to others.
In this article, we argue that many contemporary challenges to democracy can be traced back to how political organizations compete for attention. We begin with the idea that these organizations ...appeal for attention both by mobilizing their own members, and also through media that reaches a wider audience, such as social media and mass media. But since many organizations are competing for the limited attention of this wider audience, they all have an incentive to send “too many” and “too sensational” messages. This overwhelms the audience and leads to polarization and populism. Our article describes the conditions necessary for this “tragedy of the commons” to occur and also reviews empirical evidence demonstrating that these conditions are met. We find that social media is not a necessary condition for the model, but does accelerate it. We conclude that Elinor Ostrom’s theories of the commons are important for understanding political communication.
Network Analysis for International Relations Hafner-Burton, Emilie M.; Kahler, Miles; Montgomery, Alexander H.
International organization,
07/2009, Letnik:
63, Številka:
3
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
International relations research has regarded networks as a particular mode of organization, distinguished from markets or state hierarchies. In contrast, network analysis permits the investigation ...and measurement of network structures—emergent properties of persistent patterns of relations among agents that can define, enable, and constrain those agents. Network analysis offers both a toolkit for identifying and measuring the structural properties of networks and a set of theories, typically drawn from contexts outside international relations, that relate structures to outcomes. Network analysis challenges conventional views of power in international relations by defining network power in three different ways: access, brokerage, and exit options. Two issues are particularly important to international relations: the ability of actors to increase their power by enhancing and exploiting their network positions, and the fungibility of network power. The value of network analysis in international relations has been demonstrated in precise description of international networks, investigation of network effects on key international outcomes, testing of existing network theory in the context of international relations, and development of new sources of data. Partial or faulty incorporation of network analysis, however, risks trivial conclusions, unproven assertions, and measures without meaning. A three-part agenda is proposed for future application of network analysis to international relations: import the toolkit to deepen research on international networks; test existing network theories in the domain of international relations; and test international relations theories using the tools of network analysis.
This article reviews recent contributions to International Relations (IR) that engage the substantive concerns of historical institutionalism and explicitly and implicitly employ that tradition's ...analytical features to address fundamental questions in the study of international affairs. It explores the promise of this tradition for new research agendas in the study of international political development, including the origin of state preferences, the nature of governance gaps, and the nature of change and continuity in the international system. The article concludes that the analytical and substantive profiles of historical institutionalism can further disciplinary maturation in IR, and it proposes that the field be more open to the tripartite division of institutional theories found in other subfields of Political Science.
Au moment des indépendances africaines, les élites locales n’ont pas véritablement envisagé d’autre modèle d’organisation politique que l’État, importé par les colonisateurs. Sans même parler de la ...problématique des frontières héritées de la colonisation, ce modèle est aujourd’hui à bout de souffle dans plusieurs pays. Le Mali en est un exemple patent. Or d’autres formes d’organisation politique peuvent être imaginées et mises en œuvre, en s’inspirant d’exemples historiques et traditionnels.
The current study tested a model that links perceptions of organizational politics to job performance and "turnover intentions" (intentions to quit). Meta-analytic evidence supported significant, ...bivariate relationships between perceived politics and strain (.48), turnover intentions (.43), job satisfaction (-. 57), affective commitment (-.54), task performance (-.20), and organizational citizenship behaviors toward individuals (-.16) and organizations (-.20). Additionally, results demonstrated that work attitudes mediated the effects of perceived politics on employee turnover intentions and that both attitudes and strain mediated the effects of perceived politics on performance. Finally, exploratory analyses provided evidence that perceived politics represent a unique "hindrance Stressor."
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