« La vie imite l’art bien plus que l’art imite la nature », disait Oscar Wilde. La traduction des poèmes de Dante Alighieri par Dante Gabriel Rossetti peut se lire comme une expérience de vie, qui ...pose le modèle et la méthode d’un processus de création de soi. On peut dire que Rossetti vivait son Dante. Cette étude suggère que Rossetti inversa l’ut pictura poesis traditionnel en une dynamique d’écriture, en poésie comme en peinture, visant la fidélité non pas au sujet mais à la « nouvelle vie » du soi virtuel émergeant. Elizabeth Siddal fut la Béatrice vivante de Rossetti, et l’amour transcenda et transforma leurs vies en art. Cette étude tente d’examiner une autre forme de transmédialité réciproque, entre la vie et l’art, entre βιός et τέχνη, épitomé de l’inspiration vécue comme circulation pneumatique ou exaltation spirituelle (Aristote, Agamben). Dans une tentative de suggérer une approche différente de la vie et de l’œuvre de Rossetti comme création vitale, cet article fait grand cas des études existantes, sans avoir la place nécessaire pour les synthétiser toutes.
In many aspects Maurice Barrès (1862–1923) could have been a fervent disciple of Ruskin: an art lover influenced by the London aesthetes, a great reader of Rio’s work, On Christian Art, a writer on ...Venice, a political figure who came to adhere to traditionalism, a defender of the churches of France, one of the creators of the 1913 law on national heritage. However Barrès resisted Ruskin’s ideas, due to his interest in the Italian Renaissance, to his greater affinity with the tastes and sensibility of Walter Pater and of Stendhal, and also maybe as a reaction to fashion, as his satire of Ruskin’s pilgrims shows. To respond to Ruskin, he didn’t write a theoretical essay on art, but he inserted in novel or travel writing short polemical meditations. They testified to his increasing first-hand knowledge of Ruskin’s writings and they mostly dealt with the role the Italian Renaissance should play and with the representation of Venice. Barrès thus had a paradoxical role in the circulation of Ruskin’s ideas in France: he contributed to his fame—he is one of the first among few writers who used his name in a novel and, in 1904 he strongly advised Proust to translate St Mark’s Rest—, yet he also became an example of resistance to Ruskin. His followers, Rebell, Daudet, and Vaudoyer illustrated the way Barrès became a leader of this resistance, or at least helped to justify the anti-Ruskinian reaction in France.
In the middle of the 19th century Great Britain, Queen Victoria had been imposing her new ethical code system on social and cultural conditions, sharpening evidently the already abyssal differences ...of the gendered stereotypes. The Pre-Raphaelite painters reacted to the sterile way of painting dictated by the art academies, both in terms of thematology and technique, by suggesting a new, revolutionary way of painting, but were unable to escape their monolithic gender stereotypes culture. Using female models for their heroines who were often identified with the degraded position of the Victorian woman, they could not overcome their socially systemic views, despite their innovative art ideas and achievements. However, art, in several forms, executed mainly by women, played a particularly important role in projecting several types of feminism, in a desperate attempt to help the Victorian woman claim her rights both in domestic and public sphere. This article aims at exploring and commenting on the role of Marie Spartali-Stillman, one of the most charismatic Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood models and later famous painter herself, in the painting scene of the time. Through the research of her personal and professional relationship with the Pre-Raphaelites, and mainly through an in depth analysis of selected paintings, the authors try to shed light on the way in which M. Spartali-Stillman managed to introduce her subversive feminist views through her work, following in a way the feministic path of other female artists of her time. The ways and the conditions, under which the painter managed to project women as dominant, self-sufficient and empowered, opposing their predetermined social roles, have also been revised.
In his Roundtable: Dante Gabriel Rossetti and Music: Introduction, Allis lists more than a dozen settings of Rossettis poems by composers from 1893 to 1928, including Claude Debussys La damoiselle ...clue, Wilberfoss Owsts The White Ship, and Vaughan Williamss song sequence The House of Life. Both paintings thus belong to a later phase of Pre-Raphaelite art, placing more emphasis on imagined ideas than on naturalism-an aesthetic that shades into symbolism (p. 191); moreover, the poems use of concrete detail in a context of unstructured space and temporal ambiguity is a poetic equivalent of the clear physical detail of the painting . . . combined with its relative lack of perspective" (P. 192). ...Stinis finds parallels between the inward creative/receptive gaze of these paintings and what critics have elsewhere defined as the "inner standing point" in Rossetti's poetry, as well as anticipations of Henri Bergson's conception of multiple temporalities emanating outward from an inner consciousness. Helsinger then explores analogues in Rossetti's watercolors of the period, such as The Tune of Seven Towers, as well as effects in contemporary paintings by Edward Burne-Jones (Green Summer, 1864) and J. M. Whistler (Little White Girl, exh. 1865), observing that in the 1850s and 1860s music becomes in poetry and art "an
Sin dalla metà del XIX secolo l’Umbria è una terra di scoperte per diverse pittrici preraffaellite provenienti dall’Inghilterra, le quali interpretano pittoricamente l’“incanto” del paesaggio e della ...cultura locale. Il loro interesse si concentra sui luoghi più remoti della regione caratterizzati da un isolamento spaziale, culturale e sociale che, ai loro occhi, conferiva alle hill towns umbre la fisionomia di comunità antiche perfettamente conservate e vive. È questo il caso delle impressioni ricavate dal soggiorno a Todi nel 1857, dalla pittrice Joanna Mary Boyce, testimoniate da alcune lettere e da un taccuino di schizzi di viaggio fondamentali per la realizzazione di uno dei suoi più fortunati dipinti: The Departure – An Episode of the Child’s Crusade (1857-1861). L’attenzione delle artiste-viaggiatrici (tra le quali si ricordano anche Evelyn Pickering De Morgan e Marie Spartali Stillman) al paesaggio umbro, all’arte e alla storia delle piccole città contribuisce a nutrire la leggenda preraffaellita dell’“enchanted” Umbria. Questo preciso immaginario, profondamente caratterizzante e destinato a riadattarsi ai tempi o a venire ribaltato per reazione nella cultura artistica del Novecento italiano ed europeo, è sintetizzato e discusso anche nel volume A Little Pilgrimage in Italy (1911)di Olave Muriel Potter.
Whereas in the Gladstone home illustrious and prominent statesmen, Anglican clergy, Oxbridge intellectuals, and artistic geniuses gathered,1 the Fitzroy Square set was decidedly more bohemian and ...unofficial: as Justin McCarthy describes in his Reminiscences, during the period contemporaneous with the Gladstones salons, an artistic London Bohemia developed around Fitzroy Square, the home of many painters and sculptors, authors and actors, journalists and politicians.2 As we shall see, Pre-Raphaelite associate and painter Ford Madox Brown was hosting regular gatherings at his Fitzroy Square home, brilliant parties3 that were held fortnightly from 1866 for about 8 years4 and were regularly attended by the core group of the PreRaphaelite circle including Dante Gabriel, William Michael, and Christina Rossetti; William Holman Hunt; Algernon Charles Swinburne; William Morris; and many more. ...these late Victorian innovations in music have had and continue to have enormous impact through musical settings that motivate translations and carry Pre-Raphaelite poetry around the globe.9 Today, melopoetics and the study of musical settings of Pre-Raphaelite poetry is an important and emergent stream of Pre-Raphaelite criticism. A Fitzrovian Bohemia In November 1865, Ford Madox Brown moved his family to a fashionable address at 37 Fitzroy Square, and there they became "serious party-givers" (Newman and Watkinson, p. 145) and as Madox Brown's own diary observes, this home became "distinguished as a centre for men of letters and from the world of art" (qtd. in Newman and Watkinson, p. 210, n. 25). The Madox Browns' "large and brilliant parties" hosted leading figures from "the worlds of art, literature, and politics"; indeed, Angela Thirlwell describes Madox Brown's home as "the nucleus and focus of the whole undefined organization" (pp. 218-219).
PDF
