The paper will elaborate on the cult of Saint Sava and its scope in Bosnia during the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian administrations. The cult of Saint Sava was widely spread among the Serbian people ...in Bosnia during the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian administrations. Such a great influence of the cult of Saint Sava in Bosnia is not accidental, if one takes into account the number of Serbian Orthodox people in Bosnia at that time. The affiliation of Serbs to the Orthodox faith and the Serbian Orthodox Church in Bosnia is unquestionable throughout history, and national and religious affiliations were especially expressed during the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian administrations and the struggle to preserve national and religious identity. Migrations of the Serbian people also contributed to the spread of the cult to a significant extent, and wherever they migrated during the centuries of foreign rule, they carried with them the memory of the holy lineage of the Nemanjić dynasty, and the cult of Saint Sava, which at the beginning spread as a church cult, and later as a people’s cult. Therefore, it can be concluded that during the period of foreign rule, Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian, there was no person in Bosnia who did not know about the medieval dynasty of Nemanjić and Saint Sava.
The paper represents the historiographic facing with the narrative about the need to construct the "Vojvodina nation". This narrative, aware of the need for validity and historical persistence, ...searches for a foundation in its specific interpretation of historiography. The starting point can be found in the acceptance of the historical context of the emancipation of the Serbian national idea in the Habsburg Monarchy. Such discourse is also applied to the Yugoslav state organization, regardless of its divergent character in relation to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the circumstances of the liberation and defence war, in which quite a harmonized national interest of Serbs was realized about unity in the joint state. The ideological prejudice about the meta-ethnic character of Yugoslav unity prevailing after the victory of the socialist revolution, led to the federalist concept of the state organization created on the ruins of the alleged "Great Serbian" national idea. Despite intentions, the circumstance of the socialist building of the Yugoslav society did not prevent the development of nationalist ideas of party bureaucrats. It was a prerequisite for the development of Vojvodina statism and national-building.
"Only unity saves the Serbs" is the famous call for unity in the Serb nationalist doctrine. But even though this doctrine was ideologically adhered to by most of the Serb leaders in Croatia and ...Bosnia, disunity characterized Serb politics during the Yugoslav disintegration and war. Nationalism was contested and nationalist claims to homogeneity did not reflect the reality of Serb politics. This book provides a comprehensive analysis of Serb politics and challenges widespread assumptions regarding the Yugoslav conflict and war. It finds that although Slobodan Milosevic played a highly significant role, he was not always able to control the local Serb leaders. Moreover, it adds to the emerging evidence of the lack of importance of popular attitudes; hardline dominance was generally based on the control of economic and coercive resources rather than on elites successfully "playing the ethnic card." It moves beyond an assumption of automatic ethnic outbidding and thus contributes toward a better understanding of intra-ethnic rivalry in other cases such as Israel/Palestine, Northern Ireland, Nagorno-Karabakh and Rwanda.
New women in a new state Feldman, Andrea
Review of Croatian history,
12/2022, Letnik:
18, Številka:
1
Journal Article, Paper
Odprti dostop
This paper intends to explain not only the origins of the modern woman in a changing political and social environment in a newly established state after First World War, but also the development of ...ideas formulated by women in their intellectual endeavors, through their influence and criticism, and their hopes and expectations of the new state. It focuses on Croat and South Slavic spaces in the process of unification of the State of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1918 (called the Kingdom of SHS, Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1929). This period saw the unprecedented involvement of women in political and public life with the aim of achieving political and legal equality. Examining the complex structural changes that took place amidst great economic, social, and political commotion, the paper encompasses the personalities and ideas that challenged the established understanding of the status of women and analyses the ways and forms of some of their social and public actions. The most important among them was Zovka Kveder Demetrović, a journalist and editor of a prominent women’s magazine Ženski svijet/Jugoslavenska žena Women’s World/The Yugoslav Woman whose advocacy of women’s issues is the focus of this paper. It informs the reader on new possibilities of understanding the intellectual and political contribution of women, and identifies the most important, if generally unknown, women authors from the region whose work contributed to the general advancement of women’s issues in the aftermath of First World War.
The concept of a Serbian Vojvodina as a political and territorial unit, was present among the Serbs in the Habsburg Monarchy from the end of the seventeenth century until the First World War. During ...the period it existed (1848–1861) or when demands for it again emerged (before 1848 and after 1861) the question of its borders arose. This became especially apparent when the people in Vojvodina voluntarily joined the Kingdom of Serbia, which subsequently became a newly formed state for Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes in December 1918. When a common state was created, the issue of Vojvodina's borders centered on its northern borders, which were defended at the Paris Peace Conference according to historical and ethnic principles.
The economy of Kosovo entered the period 1974-1981 burdened with numerous problems. Constitutional changes led to the economy of the republics and provinces being divided into special systems. The ...leaders of Kosovo were adamant about using raw materials instead of the manufacturing sector, which would create more jobs. As a result, agriculture fell further and further behind, so the difference in development between industrial and agricultural municipalities was increasingly visible. Yugoslavia and Serbia generously financed Kosovo through the Development Credit Fund for Economically Underdeveloped Areas and supplementary budget funds. Additionally, Kosovo had the greatest access to International Bank loans of any region. The more developed republics demonstrated little interest in funding Kosovo's extravagant spending and incorrect economic policies, and Serbia was forced to allocate more money for Kosovo than for impoverished towns within its smaller borders. It was a common rumour in Priština that insufficient funds were allocated for Kosovo. The growing lag was not the result of a lack of funds but of the galloping birth rate of the Albanian community. Citizens, especially Albanians, believed that Serbia and Yugoslavia were taking advantage of them, which had political consequences in the 1981 demonstrations. One particular economic issue was unemployment. Given the policy of balancing the total number of employed Albanians with their participation in the population in terms of Albanian birth rates, it reflected more on Serbs and Montenegrins. The proportion of Albanians among the staff rose sharply and continuously, while the proportion of Serbs increased slightly, and the proportion of Montenegrins either decreased or stagnated. Due to the national key policy, one Serb or Montenegrin was employed for every ten Albanians (sometimes up to 20). Albanian separatists were successful in making bilingualism a requirement for employment in job competitions, regardless of whether it was specifically requested or preferred. International relations within enterprises were disrupted. The disorder was manifested through verbal and physical pressures in which the Serbs and Montenegrins, being the few, were inferior. Separatists successfully pursued a policy of removing Serb-Montenegrin cadres and workers to make them leave. In roughly 15% of cases, economic issues were the catalyst for Serbs and Montenegrins to leave Kosovo. The majority of Albanians also left for these reasons, but to work abroad.
The work by a well-known Serbian historian Aleksandar Raković Montenegrin Separatism was published in 2019 in Belgrade. This work has become quintessential in A. Raković’s studies of contemporary ...history of the Serbian people. In his book, the author considers the foundations of today’s secessionist movement in the country and provides a fairly broad historical overview of the last century’s events which resulted in the emergence of independent Montenegro.
This paper analyzes the information provided in the Byzantine historical narratives composed between the end of the 10th and mid-13th century on Bulgarians, Serbs and the Rus as these peoples ...permanently settled or just temporarily resided in the area of the Central Balkans. This paper attempts to show how the Byzantine historiography of the mentioned period presented the peoples in question.
The Yugoslav experience of the Serbian national idea in the mid-1930s was seriously undermined. The assassination of King Aleksandar Karađorđević was an event that, after the rebellious response of ...loyalty, irreversibly initiated the search for the revival of the national idea and its racing modern European models. Since the international geopolitical situation witnessed the process of the failure of the Peace Treaty of Versailles, new national positioning occupied the attention of the Serbian intellectual elite. This paper presents the development of the ideas of national revival through combining formerly valid standpoints which, on the one hand, encourage the development of the collectivist type of society and, on the other hand, the redefinition of the individual approach in the existing standpoint about democracy. Their contradicting views affected pluralism, but there was also a threat of exclusive reflexions being transformed into antagonism.
PDF
