Vladimir Tkalčić held the function of Director of the Museum of Arts and Crafts from the beginning of September 1933 to June 1952, which was the period of his vocational maturity – from age 50 until ...his retirement. The paper provides insight into Tkalčić’s vision of the development of the institution and into his achievements which allowed, already in his lifetime, that practice systems be derived from the Museum of Arts and Crafts and funds be formed as a baseline for the establishment of new institutions in Zagreb, such as the conservation and restoration workshop of the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts, the Museum of Serbs in Croatia, and the Technical Museum. Interpretations of certain achievements that Tkalčić accomplished in conditions of economic and political instability, in a whirlwind of confusion combined with the violence of wartime, are inevitably imbued with controversy. Examination of the documentation fund of the Museum of Arts in Crafts, in the first place Tkalčić’s legacy and registry books from years of his mandate, provides an insight into the contextual mosaic of his complex endeavours, as well as into the set of his character qualities that supported the principles of professional ethics.
This article explores why the Arabs chose to keep a common language, while the Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks and Montenegrins chose not to. The study argues that the main reason for this can be found in ...the ideological constrains resulting out of the salience and interaction between different religious and ethnic group building projects in former Yugoslavia and the Arab states. Political elites in both regions favored the ethnic and religious category to different extents. Language planning reflected and implemented the respective ideological imperatives resulting out of these processes. This led to different approaches in defining the common language and its subsequent standardization.
This work discusses the historical struggle of Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the autonomous freedom, through numerous rebellions and uprisings in the 19th century, such as rebellions ...and uprisings of Serbs in Šumadija. After its success in Serbia under the rule of Miloš Obrenović, Serbs' struggle for the autonomous freedom in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the last period of the Ottoman and later Austro-Hungarian authority was a 'categorical imperative of Serbian self defence'. Resistance to foreign occupiers in Bosnia and Herzegovina was repeated after the disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991, with the struggle for the autonomous freedom in the Republic of Srpska, for its achievements, challenges and perspectives. On both of these occasions, Serbian people remained and fought for their freedom and unity in the community with other nations. On both of these occasions, destiny and outcome of this successful struggle with opponents were earlier in hands of great powers and later in hands of powerful states. Their earlier and later attitudes towards Serbs were different. Compared to Bulgarians and Bulgaria, or Cretans and Crete, after whose uprisings the great powers awarded them the autonomy, they only promised the same to Serbs while some of them opposed it and corrupted, up until the end of the First World War. It was similar with the struggle of Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina for freedom in the achieved Republic of Srpska, up until the United States of America took Bosnia and Herzegovina in its own hands. The States, in cooperation with the Contact Group members, ended the civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the meeting in Dayton in the USA in 1995, while at the same time legitimizing the Republic of Srpska within the two-entity Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Stipe Šuvar (1936 — 2004) was a politician, sociologist, publicist and public figure from Croatia. In his public addresses, articles, and political speeches and actions he always tried to unite two ...peoples, Croats and Serbs. During his long career, which spanned from the early sixties until his death in 2004, he always advocated political and cultural cooperation between these nations. He was also a proponent of the so-called “Yugoslav socialist patriotism”. The idea of a democratic national consciousness was united with the idea of Yugoslavism within the doctrine of Yugoslav patriotism. After 1990, he tried to minimize anti-Serb racist rhetoric, which dominated the Croatian public sphere. With this, he obliged the Serbs in Croatia in a unique way and deserves their permanent gratitude, as his colleague Svetozar Livada noted.
This article examines Yugoslav national programs of ruling political elites and its concrete implementation in education policy in interwar Yugoslavia. It is argued that at the beginning of the ...period Yugoslavism was not inherently incompatible with or subordinate to Serbian, Croatian or to a lesser degree Slovenian national ideas. However, the concrete ways in which Yugoslavism was formulated and adopted by ruling elites discredited the Yugoslav national idea and resulted in increasing delineation and polarization in the continuum of national ideas available in Yugoslavia. Throughout the three consecutive periods of political rule under scrutiny, ruling elites failed to reach a wider consensus regarding the Yugoslav national idea or to create a framework within which a constructive elaboration of Yugoslav national identity could take place. By the end of the interwar period, the Yugoslav national idea had become linked exclusively to conservatism, centralism, authoritarianism and, for non-Serbian elites at least, Serbian hegemony. Other national ideas gained significance as ideas providing viable alternatives for the regime's Yugoslavism.
Na osnovi literature i tadašnjega tiska autorica piše o kratkome vremenu tijekom kojega je funkciju ministra prosvjete obavljao Stjepan Radić. U članku opisuje obrazovnu politiku Stjepana Radića u ...kontekstu obrazovne politike nove jugoslavenske države te navodi probleme s kojima se kao ministar susreće. Pri tome analizira kritike suvremenika i uglavnom srpske historiografije o ministarskome djelovanju Stjepana Radića.
The status and image of minorities often depends not on their self-percep-tions, but on the official stance taken by the state in which they live. While identity is commonly recognized as malleable ...and personal, the official status of minorities is couched in stiff scientific language claiming to be authoritative. But as polities change, these supposedly scientific categorizations of minorities also change. Based on academic reports and parliamentary decisions, in Hungary today the Catholic South Slavs known as Bunjevci are officially regarded as an obscure branch of the Croatian nation. This has not always been the case. Early records of the Bunjevci categorized them in a variety of ways, most commonly as Catholic Serbs, Dalmatians, and Illyrians. In the nineteenth century Bunjevac elites were able to project to the Hungarian public a mythological positive historical image of the Bunjevci, delineat-ing them from the negative stereotypes of other South Slavs. This positive image, fixed in encyclopaedias and maintained until the Second World War, represented the Bunjevci as Catholic Serbs who (unlike Croats or Orthodox Serbs) were constantly faithful to the Hungarian state and eager to assimilate. In the 1920s and 1930s tra-ditional Hungarian stereotypes of Bunjevci protected them from abuses suffered by other South Slavs. As political relations transformed, official views of the Bunjevci also changed. With the massive upheaval during and after the Second World War, there was a change in accounts of who the Bunjevci were. The transformation from communism and the break-up of Yugoslavia have also evoked demands for changes in identity from some Bunjevci, and brought new impositions of identity upon them
In this paper the volunteer movement among Croatian emigrants for the Serbian Army in World War I as well as their status in the army have been analysed using the documents from the Archive of dr. ...Ante Trumbic kept at the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Zagreb. Most of the volunteers came from North and South America, Australia and New Zealand. They joined the army on the Salonika front, where they were incorporated into already existing units, despite the effort of the Yugoslav Committee to create a special unit that would symbolize the political will of Southern Slavs in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy for unification with the Kingdom of Serbia. The Serbian government and the army had a dual policy on volunteers. Publicly, they proclaimed equality for all soldiers and volunteers and at the same time the officers that were sent abroad for agitation were instructed secretly to convert Croats to "good Serbs". The Yugoslav Committee was ignorant of the activities involving recruitment of the volunteers and their situation in the army, where they were often ill-treated. When the volunteers reacted to maltreatment, they were harshly confined. After the War, a great number of them returned to the countries they came from. PUBLICATION ABSTRACT
This article analyzes the damages made in the anti-Serb demonstrations which occurred in Zagreb in 1902. The demonstrations were sparked by the anti-Croat article 'Srbi i Hrvati' ('Serbs and Croats') ...published in the Zagreb Serbian paper Srbobran. On the basis of original sources the author concludes that the anti-Serb demonstrations were only a momentary, furious, unacceptable reaction to the provocative writing in Srbobran, and in no way part of a plan or program to expel the Serbs from Croatia, as is suggested in the work of some Serbian historians, such as the academic Vasilije Krestic.
Two U.S.-based political geographers survey the current state of affairs in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH), characterized by increasing political tensions between its two constituent entities-the ...Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Republika Srpska (RS). The authors examine ways in which recurrent calls for a referendum on RS's self-determination/independence (from BiH) have charged the political atmosphere in both entities, delayed the formation of a central government in the aftermath of inter-entity elections in October 2010, and thus precipitated claims of BiH's unsustainability. In a concluding section, they explore the broader implications of renewed conflict and territorial fragmentation in BiH, which include the mobilization of seccessionist movements (and possible ethnic cleansing) in other contested regions in the Balkans and the former USSR and the possibility of renewed EU/NATO military engagement, with the attendant risks involving the EU's relations with Russia and member states of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. 1 figure, 2 tables, 38 references.
PDF
