The main aim of this research was to apply biopolymer coatings on osmotically dehydrated mushrooms and monitor their quality during storage. Mushrooms were osmotically dehydrated in sugar beet ...molasses (80% dry matter) under optimized conditions (45 °C for 5 hours), as previously reported elsewhere. Two different biopolymers were chosen: chitosan, a polysaccharide polymer, and zein, a protein polymer. A non-treated mushroom sample was chosen as a control sample. The mushroom samples were analysed for sugar and protein content, as well as water loss and microbiological profile. An increase in sugar content was the most noticeable in the osmotically dehydrated mushrooms compared to the control sample due to the use of molasses as a hypertonic solution. The contribution of used biopolymer coatings to the sugar and protein content of the coated and osmotically treated mushrooms was negligible. Chitosan coating contributed to better storage stability of treated mushrooms by lowering the moisture loss and microbial count. For this reason, chitosan treated sample was chosen for further examination related to the evaluation of its baking potential as a filling in a traditional stuffed pie-like layered bakery product - burek. Burek was stuffed with fresh mushrooms, osmotically treated mushrooms or osmotically treated mushrooms coated with chitosan. The sensorial assessment proved that control burek and burek samples with osmotically dehydrated mushrooms coated with chitosan were the most preferred groups based on odour and overall impression.
Salih Burek is one of the most respected economists in B&H, a professor and economic thinker of the Tuzla region from the late 50s to the early 1970s. Due to critical approaches to the party ...leadership of the Tuzla basin and the development of the contradicted economic concepts of the development of the chemical industry in Tuzla, it is strongly politically discredited and removed from public life. Politically-designed police accusations are classified as so-called Tuzla group, which in the mid-1970s was at the center of the biggest political affair in the socialist times of Tuzla and Bosnia and Herzegovina as a whole. Burek was the closest associate of Pashaga Mandzic, the hero of the revolution and the most important political figure of Tuzla of that time, proclaimed the leader of the so-called Tuzla Group. In the structure of the assembled political and police-judicial incrimination of Pasaga Mandzic and Tuzla group consisted literally of all ideological and political hostilities that existed at the time against socialism and socialist self-government in Yugoslavia. The interweaving of the fate of Salih Burek and Pasaga Mandzic and the common political suffering will make their biographies almost inseparable. By a judgment of the District Court in Tuzla (1975), he was sentenced to six years in prison in Zenica. After exiting from prison (1981), he again dedicated himself as a scientific associate of the Economic Institute in Tuzla to the improvement of the economic development of the Tuzla area.
In modern Slovenian popular culture, media, vernacular etc., the burek – an important and popular dish among numerous immigrants to Slovenia and their descendants, and also probably the most popular ...Slovenian fast food – is probably the handiest and most often used signifier for immigrants from the former republics of the SFRY, the Balkans, the SFRY and the phenomena associated with it. The paper attempts to describe why and how this conceptual hyperinflation occurred precisely to this folded or rolled nutritional superhero, which most likely arrived in Slovenia in the early 1960s. The beginnings of the layering of all these meanings go back to the eighties, when the burek finally started to become a part of certain foreign urban food practices particularly among young people, which at the time were not seen as particularly meaningful. However, the fact that the burek found itself in the hands of "non-immigrants" was disturbing to some: the burek became a target of nationalism, which to some extent encouraged numerous young people during the nineties to appropriate it and to associate it with alternative or oppositional political meanings. But even in this case it would be insufficient or wrong to understand the burek as merely a symbolic object, chosen by college students and other young people during the nineties solely for its symbolic value – for its close but controversial association with Slovene nationalism. First we have to ask ourselves what was available during those times – cheap, accessible and providing at least a modicum of choices. The paper mirrors modern studies of material culture which assert the idea that materiality is an integral part of culture and society, and that without materiality, culture and society cannot be fully understood. The meanings of objects, and thus the meaning of the burek, are not understood (merely) as products of discourses and practices of signification, but (also) as embedded in the objective, material field in numerous and complex ways.
In the Slovene popular culture, the media, the spoken language, etc., the term burek is probably the most convenient and useful label applied to immigrants from former Yugoslav republics, fo the ...Balkans, and to the former Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia and the related phenomena. The essay will try to provide an answer to the question of why, and how, this semantic superinflation happened precisely to this wrapped or folded food superhero, which probably arrived to Slovenia in the early 1960s.
Dandanes v Sloveniji soživita dve ekonomsko-antropološki burekokolji: burektrg, na katerem se prodaja in kupuje burekblago, in burekokolje, ki se trgu izmika. V tem zadnjem dominira doma narejen ...burek, največkrat v priseljenskih družinah, ki je tudi pogost predmet izražanja gostoljubnosti in obdarovanja, občasno tudi zunaj etnične skupine. To tako imenovano burekdarovanje neburekljudem pa odpira tudi nekatera nova vprašanja razumevanja burekpomenov. Burekdarovanje neburekljudem reproducira odnose med etničnima skupinama, ki sta v darovanje vključeni. Pri tej reprodukciji temeljnih etničnih odnosov v slovenski družbi pa igra osrednjo vlogo predmet, ki je v darovanje vključen, točneje, njegovi pomeni. Takšno razumevanje burekpomenov poudari njihovo konstituitivno (aktivno) vlogo, torej poudari ne kako ljudje oblikujejo (burek)pomene, temveč kako (burek)pomeni oblikujejo ljudi.
Upadljivim uživanjem masnog bureka, neke se skupine učenika protive dominantnom diskursu zdravoga života, kojim su bombardirani u medijima, oglašavanju, u formalnom i neformalnom obrazovanju itd. No, ...to protivljenje ne smijemo shvatiti prvenstveno kao eksplicitni bunt protiv hegemonskih ideja diskursa zdravoga života, kome je burek, zbog njegove poslovične masnoće, česta i omiljena meta. To generacijsko suprotstavljanje vjerojatno treba shvatiti više kao bunt s burekom i za burek, a ne kao jasan i planski bunt spram dominantnog diskursa zdravoga života. Diskurs zdravoga života pojavljuje se u ulozi svojevrsnog privjeska, parazita na omiljenom i jedinom, gotovo uvijek i posvuda pristupačnom i
zasitnom bureku, što dodatno osmišljava i daje ton tom buntu s burekom i za burek.
Project Description: GREENFIELD- INTERSECTION IMPROVEMENTS AT ROUTE 5/10 & CHEAPSIDE STREET This intersection is poorly aligned, confusing to motorists and has several safety issues. Pedestrian ...accommodations and sight distance are poor.
Burek - pita različnih nadevov, je v Slovenijo »prišel« s priseljenci iz republik nekdanje Jugoslavije. Sprva je bil omejen zgolj na družinsko kuhinjo priseljencev, v osemdesetih pa se je predvsem v ...urbanem okolju pojavil tudi v ponudbi nekaterih prodajaln hitre prehrane. Sprva je bila potrošnja vezana predvsem na priseljence, kasneje pa je po bureku začel posegati tudi del mladine iz urbanih okolij. Konec osemdesetih in vsa devetdeseta leta predstavljajo obdobje, ko je burek začel dobivati poudarjene politične pomene, vezane predvsem na etnonacionalni diskurz. Hkrati pa je to bil tudi čas ekspanzije tega prehrambenega artikla, ko se je ne samo povečala proizvodnja in potrošnja (burek so recimo začele izdelovati in prodajati tudi nekatere slovenske pekarne ter trgovine), ampak je burek pustil viden pečat v popularni kulturi, v medijih, na grafitih, v slengih itd. Prispevek prikaže razmerje med izbranim prehrambenim objektom s poudarjeno priseljensko, »tujsko« konotacijo in (slovenskim) etnonacionalnim diskurzom. Pri tem analizira predvsem različne reprezentacije bureka v novinarskih besedilih, popbesedilnih, grafitnih besedilih, imenih idr., občasno pa pokuka tudi v druge procese, v katerih se ustvarjajo pomeni (produkcija, regulacija, potrošnja idr.). Besedilo razkrije dva diskurza o bureku: nacionalističnega in antinacionalističnega. V tako imenovanem nacionalističnem diskurzu burek postane asociran z negativnimi konotacijami, pomeni, postane označevalec »manjvredne kulture juga«. Vzporedno s tem diskurzom, verjetnejo z delno časovno zakasnitvijo, pa so se pojavili tudi alternativni politični pomeni bureka. Ti pogosto niso bili formulirani kot ekspliciten upor proti nacionalizmu, toda na ravni pomenov so bili bolj ali manj v navskrižju z nacionalističnim diskurzom. Predvsem med mlajšo urbano populacijo, med študenti in dijaki je začel burek vse bolj funkcionirati kot znak nečesa »kul« in je začel prinašati tudi drugačne pomene »Juge« in »Balkana«. Prispevek nakaže tudi odnos reprezentacij do drugih procesov, v katerih se ustvarjajo pomeni. Namreč ustvarjenje pomena se ne odvija le znotraj praks, načinov reprezentacij, ampak tudi znotraj procesov produkcije, potrošnje, regulacije in glede na vrsto identitet, ki se povezujejo z objektom (de Guy et al. 2000). Kulturni pomeni bureka tako izhajajo že iz proizvodnih praks, praks distribucij in uporabe ter s tem povezanih identitet: to, da je se burek prvenstveno pripravlja v kuhinjah priseljencev in da ga na mestnih ulicah pečejo in prodajajo večinoma Albanci, torej priseljenci, tujci, se zdi »produkcijska baza« proizvodnje pomenov bureka v Sloveniji, vsaj v kontekstu etnonacionalnega diskurza. Na ravni pomenov tudi ni bilo zanemarljivo to, da so ga začele peči »slovenske« pekarne in da so ga začeli prodajati »slovenske« trgovine. Številni pomeni bureka so nastajali in nastajajo tudi skozi procese potrošnje. Postavili bi lahko tezo, da je vsaj del mladine v devetdesetih uporabljal potrošnjo bureka kot označevalce v aktivnem procesu konstruiranja »opozicijskih« identitet. Toda to so že vprašanja za naslednjo »burek zgodbo«.
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