The enigmatic collection of imperial vitae ranging from the emperor Hadrian to Carinus, spanning a period of some 170 years, has long been subject to detailed scrutiny. Dubbed Historia Augusta by ...Isaac Casaubon in 1603, this historical document has been recognised to be anything but historical, and therefore hardly deserves to be treated by historians as a viable document – or at least this appears to be the position held by mainstream scholars on the subject. While there are still historians who maintain that the vitae were forged by several different authors, if not exactly six as purported in the work itself, the widespread thesis is that this ‘mockumentary’ was produced by one person only, but there is little agreement on the question when. However, there remain issues which, after careful examination, admonish us that even the well-accepted one-author theory is anything but airtight, one of them being the issue of the sources, their collection and implementation in the actual narrative. Several cited documents, such as letters, senatorial decrees etc., have been proved as forgeries, but the author(s) went out of their way to cloak them in a veil of fake certainty; one such instance is the cited report on the inauguration of Marcus Claudius Tacitus. On the other hand, there are several completely vague references to some Greek book – quidam liber Graecus, which must arouse the reader’s suspicion. While this article does nothing to contest the one-author theory, it raises questions: Why, so late in the work, this change of approach in citing sources? Why not furnish the cited ‘documents’ with fabricated names?
Članek obravnava nekatere pomembne odlomke pri latinsko pišočih krščanskih zgodovinarjih 4. in 5. stoletja, ki se nanašajo na prvega krščanskega rimskega cesarja Konstantina. Avtor ugotavlja, da so ...se že v tem obdobju izoblikovale pomembne razlike v pojmovanju cesarjeve osebe med vzhodnim in zahodnim krščanstvom. Le Rufin je zvesto sledil Evzebijevemu modelu in cesarja prikazal izključno pozitivno. Vsi ostali pisci so bili do njegovega lika bolj zadržani, kar še zlasti velja za Hieronima. Laktancij po drugi strani sicer ni postavljal pod vprašaj nobenega Konstantinovega dejanja, a je svoje bralce zmedel, ko je zelo povzdignil tudi lik njegovega socesarja Licinija.
Vladarski par – Franc Jožef I. in cesarica Elizabeta – je vojvodino Kranjsko in prestolnico Ljubljano prvič obiskal 17. novembra 1856 ob 21. uri. Njun prihod so pospremile topovske salve z ...Ljubljanskega gradu, cesar je sprejel avdience, v naslednjih dneh sta obiskala številne zavode in vojašnice, Ljubljana se je svetila, po Ljubljanici so pluli Krakovčani in Trnovčani ter peli narodne pesmi. Cesarski par se je udeležil maše v uršulinski cerkvi, nato pa si je ogledal vojaški mimohod na Kongresnem trgu. Cesarica Elizabeta je 19. novembra praznovala godovni dan. Večer se je končal s plesom v Kazini, 20. novembra pa se je cesarski par odpravil v Trst. (Slovenska kronika XIX. stoletja, 1800 – 1860, stran 441- 442.)O cesarskem obisku so obširno in navdušeno poročale Novice gospodarske, obertnijske in narodske. Etbin Henrik Costa, ki tedaj še ni bil ljubljanski župan, je obisk cesarskega para ovekovečil v tej dragoceni monografiji, ki jo hrani tudi Slovanska knjižnica, enota Mestne knjižnice v Ljubljani.
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