Cumhurbaşkanlığı kararnameleri 2017 Anayasa reformundan sonra Türk hukuk gündeminin merkezi kavramlarından bir hâline gelmiştir. Bu durumun en başta gelen sebebi olarak Anayasa değişikliği metninin ...barındırdığı muğlaklık gösterilebilir. Yürütmeye tanınmış olan kararname gücüne ilişkin tereddütlü alanların başında ise bu yetkinin belirli konular bakımından kanun alanına kapatılarak yürütmeye münhasır kılınıp kılınmadığı yönündeki soru işaretidir. Bu bağlamda öğretinin belirgin bir ikilem içinde olduğu ve bu soruya her iki cihette de cevaplar verildiği görülebilmektedir. Sonuçları yönünden bu denli önemli olan bir meseleye cevap ararken tek bir yorumlama biçimine başvurmak yerine, sağlıklı ve geniş kapsamlı bir değerlendirme yapmayı teminen Anayasanın lafzi, sistematik, tarihi ve gaî yorumuna girişmek ve aynı zamanda mümkünse karşılaştırmalı hukuktan yeni sisteme uygun düşecek bir örnek bularak elde edilecek verilerle bir mukayese yapmak daha doğru olacaktır. İşte bu çalışmada doktrinde anılan yorum yollarıyla elde edilen açıklamalar ortaya konulmak ve kararnameler rejimi bakımından yeni Türk sistemine dönük kayda değer açılımlar içeren Fransız uygulaması değerlendirilmek suretiyle ülkemizde yürürlükte olan Anayasa hükümlerinin mahfuz bir alana vücut vermeyeceği düşüncesine erişilmiştir.
Presidential decrees have become one of the central concepts of the Turkish legal agenda after the 2017 Constitutional reform. The most important reason for this situation can be shown as the ambiguity of the amendment text. The most important problematic area regarding the decree power granted to the executive is the question that ask whether this authority is restricted to the field of law in terms of certain issues and is made exclusive to the executive power. In this context, it can be seen that the Turkish literature is in a dilemma and certain answers are given to this question in both directions. Instead of applying to a single interpretation method when seeking an answer to an issue that’s so vital in terms of its results, it would be more accurate to engage in literal, systematic, historical and teleological interpretation of the Constitution in order to have a comprehensive evaluation and at the same time, if possible to find an example from comparative law that fits the new system for comparing. Concordantly in this study, it has been reached the idea that the articles of Constitution in force in Turkey will not give rise to a concept of reserved area, by revealing the explanations obtained through the interpretation methods mentioned in the literature and evaluating the French practice, which includes significant instructions towards the new Turkish system in terms of the decrees regime.
The rigid Constitutions should be modified only by means of the amendment or revision process they envisage to. Analysts, however, identify a number of constitutional amendments that do not follow ...this script, not changing, even, its normative text. These are the so-called “informal changes” or “mutations” of Constitution. In the Welfare State, the Legislative and the Executive play an extremely active role in the adoption of laws, regulations and measures that, under the pretext of implementing the Constitution, modify it. It is expected that the judiciary will correct any excesses or deviations, but this expectation is not always confirmed, either because it does not identify any problem, or because these changes are not questioned in the courts.
Niedawne 20-lecie uchwalenia i wejścia w życie Konstytucji RP z 1997 r. skłania do refleksji nad Konstytucją i treścią jej zapisów. Jak się wydaje, najważniejszymi elementami przepisów tej ...Konstytucji jest wprowadzenie katalogu podstawowych praw i wolności człowieka i obywatela, stworzenie podstaw funkcjonowania państwa, jakimi są zasady ustrojowe, oraz niekiedy bardzo szczegółowe określenie roli i wzajemnych relacji najważniejszych organów władzy publicznej.
The constitutional reform by which in 2011 Spain amended Article 135 of the Constitution is the topic of this article. By such an amendment the principle of financial and budgetary stability as well ...as a strict control over the budget of public administration and the devolved regional institutions (Comunidades Autonomas) has been introduced. All this amounts to severe limitations on the structural deficit. In fact, this reform has brought about a strengthening of the supervisory powers of the State over policies which the Constitution confers to the Comunidades Autonomas as well as clamping down on their financial autonomy. The thrust of the article is to show how, in time of crisis, the “financial constitution” changes its structure to adapt to the inputs coming from European rules and the financial markets. España, en el año 2011, modificó el artículo 135 de su Constitución para introducir el principio de Estabilidad Presupuestaria y un intenso control sobre los presupuestos de todas las Administraciones Públicas nacionales, incluidas, en particular, las Comunidades Autónomas, para garantizar las finanzas nacionales y, también, para limitar el gasto público y el déficit estructural. La reforma constitucional ha producido una fuerte centralización del marco normativo en tema de gasto y presupuesto, un renovado papel desempeñado por parte del Estado en función de «control» sobre la autonomía financiera autonómica y la compresión de dicha autonomía financiera, cerrada entre las estrictas normas constitucionales (y su desarrollo posterior mediante una Ley Orgánica) y el control ejercitado por parte del Estado central.
What legitimates constitutions? One standard answer is that constitutions are legitimate only if they represent the people they govern. This article identifies two different conceptions of ...representation. Representation can be grounded either in the consent or the will of the citizens or when the constitution reflects the ‘real’ identity of the members of the nation. Alternatively, it is sometimes stated that the constitution is legitimate because it promotes justice or, more generally, is grounded in reason. While constitutions are typically grounded both in claims to represent the people and in claims concerning the justness and wisdom of the constitutional provisions, we establish that there are two types of constitutions: constitutions that are primarily representational (e.g. the US Constitution) and constitutions that are primarily reason-based (e.g. the German Constitution). We also show that this distinction has important ramifications for how constitutions are drafted and ratified, and how they operate. One central implication is that the legitimacy of constitutions that make weak claims to representation – for example, constitutions that are imposed by foreign powers – can still be defended on reason-based grounds.
Comparison and contrasting of views on constitutional law of James Bryce and Albert Venn Dicey - importance of Bryce's views on the importance of responsible government and judicial review to ...development of constitutional structure - theoretical implications of the American Constitution for Australian constitutional law.
The various attempts to rethink the structure and composition of the Parliament of interwar Romania, including or especially its upper chamber, are one of the symptoms of the uneasiness produced by ...the way Romanian parliamentary democracy was actually functioning. In almost all cases, these projects and possible solutions were not conceived as hostile to the principles of classical constitutionalism and the separation of powers, but rather as a concrétisation or deepening of them. They sometimes depart from the canons of classical constitutionalism, but do not appear hostile to it. Unfortunately, political change has been imposed not through constitutional reform or transformation - including the revision of the Fundamental Law - but through improvised solutions, arbitrariness and political violence.
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