Dalla varietà dei regimi e dei linguaggi politici autoritari corporativisti e fascisti nella Europa degli anni Trenta, è possibile dedurre la presenza di un codice comune: la ricerca condivisa delle ...istituzioni della stabilità, di un possibile nuovo ordine sociale, di sincretismi ideologici al di là dei vari casi nazionali. Questa prospettiva storiografica consente di superare i confini tra le diverse famiglie politiche tradizionali e di risalire dalla crisi di quell'epoca a un problema di lunga durata: quello della relazione tra democrazia, intesa come società di massa e come sistema politico, e libero mercato.
This article analyzes the Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S) with a historical approach. The M5S's development falls within the context of Italy's failed political stabilization in the last thirty years. ...During this period, Globalization and European Integration have been determining and accelerating crisis in intermediate bodies and political cultures in motion since the end of the Second World War. The article describes the beginning of the M5S in 2006-2007, when the party obtained recognition as an anti-system force, up to it entering the government with the Lega party in June 2018.
En este artículo analizamos críticamente el fenómeno de la crisis de la democracia que se advierte en distintas partes del mundo y proponemos como solución al problema la apreciación de las dinámicas ...contenciosas que presentan los movimientos sociales. Explicamos en qué medida los problemas de legitimidad que poseen los sistemas políticos representativos han sido causados por la dinámica histórica impuesta por el neoliberalismo, a través de un proceso de desdemocratización de la sociedad, y exponemos las dificultades que existen desde el campo político mismo para encontrar alternativas diferentes al populismo. A partir de allí, sostenemos que los movimientos sociales y sus acciones son la base para una configuración democrática de la sociedad.
The sovereign crisis of the Spanish state, along with the unprecedentedly severe economic crisis and the tide of mobilisations (Arab Spring), produced an extraordinarily vigorous popular response, ...which in turn drew attention to the crisis in the structure of communication between civil society and the public political sphere. The effects of this crisis can be seen in the established parties and in the appearance of new ones. One of these, Podemos, claims to be the expression of popular mobilisations, and this subjects it to considerable inter-territorial stress, for as a party that competes in general elections, it requires a good deal of centralisation. This political centralisation operates in every one of the different autonomous territories and also nationally, adding a degree of complexity which is further accentuated by the tendency to personalise positions of power. And to add to this complexity is the issue of corruption among political parties and the proliferation of new political media.
Zusammenfassung
Der Klimawandel ist in öffentlichen Debatten (wieder) sehr präsent, spätestens seit den Protesten von
Fridays for Future
. Dies zeigte sich zuletzt in der Intensität der Kontroversen, ...in denen beispielsweise der Kohleausstieg auf gesamtgesellschaftlicher Ebene verhandelt wurde. Gleichzeitig nehmen lokale Konflikte um konkrete Energieprojekte zu. Die Virulenz der Energiekonflikte ist u. a. darauf zurückzuführen, dass sie oftmals Kristallisationspunkte für Auseinandersetzungen um die Anerkennung von bestimmten Interessen als legitime Gemeinwohlinteressen bilden. Diese Konflikte sind zunächst einmal eine Reaktion auf die Ausgestaltung der Energiewende und wirken auf diese zurück. Darüber hinaus stehen Energiekonflikte in einem wechselseitigen Wirkungsverhältnis mit der politischen Kultur. Sie sind Effekt und gleichzeitig Mitproduzent der in der Gesellschaft verhandelten Vorstellungen von Demokratie. Der vorliegende Artikel leistet einen zweifachen Beitrag zur Analyse der Gemeinwohlkonflikte in der Energiewende in Deutschland. Erstens werden empirische Ergebnisse der Energiewendeforschung im Hinblick auf die Auseinandersetzungen um die Definition und Priorisierung von Gemeinwohlzielen der Energiewende interpretiert. Ein zentraler Befund lautet, dass sich in den Energiekonflikten Phänomene einer Demokratiekrise zeigen, auf die in den Verhandlungen um konkrete Energieprojekte nicht adäquat reagiert werden kann. Zweitens werden die gewonnenen Erkenntnisse über Gemeinwohlkonflikte in der Energiewende demokratietheoretisch diskutiert. Dabei wird argumentiert, dass die fehlende Bereitschaft (von Akteur*innen der Regierungspolitik) zur Austragung von Konflikten um die Priorisierung von Gemeinwohlzielen der Energiewende ein zentrales Defizit darstellt. In Kombination mit der einseitigen Orientierung am deliberativen Demokratiemodell bei der Umsetzung von Energieprojekten verschärft dies die Tendenzen einer Demokratiekrise. Aus radikaldemokratischer Perspektive bedarf es agonistischer Streiträume, in denen politische Gegner*innen darum konkurrieren, ihre jeweiligen Energiewende-Visionen durchzusetzen.
In light of the current crisis of democracy, political theory faces the crucial question if the democracy in crisis can bring about a severe transformation of democracy and pave the way to replacing ...democracy with authoritarian government. Political theory is not only called upon to analyze the multiple processes of de-democratization but also to conceptualize the relationship between democracy and the rise of authoritarian politics. In this paper, I argue that to address these pressing questions, it is neither sufficient to solely focus on the state and state politics nor to solely focus on right-wing actors. Rather, it is necessary to address the current crises of democracy as a fundamental and comprehensive de-democratization of the state and society, which correlates with a far-reaching yet subtle de-democratization of everyday forms of living and subjectification. Furthermore, drawing on hegemony theory, I argue that the current de-democratization of the state and society along with the recent authorization of politics cannot only be viewed as having been forced upon the people. Instead, I argue that despite its anti-democratic and authoritarian character, current politics are also situated within a broader consensus. Focusing on gender and sexual politics, the paper scrutinizes how gender and sexual politics of the libertarian era of neoliberalism have contributed to a de-democratizing society, albeit in a subtle way, and by doing so the related discourses have helped to enable the current increase of authoritarian politics.
What if citizens freely choose a non-sustainable way of life, as individuals or for their political community as a whole? The challenge of the Great Transformation raises fundamental questions about ...democracy and the liberal tradition with its emphasis on personal freedom. Re-conceptualizing
democracy along republican traditions would underscore the common good and allow a new perspective.The concept of democracy implies two basic elements: the protection of individual rights by the rule of law and the possibility of determining the future through elections or other
forms of participation. However, if individual rights imply a non-sustainable way of life, and if the right to make free collective choices includes the possibility of making fatal mistakes, a tension seems to arise between democracy and sustainability. The Great Transformation will have consequences
for the Western way of life and the way we view democracy. The question of sustainability's ramifications for the concept of democracy ought to be discussed more broadly. Transformation sciences would benefit from a more extensive exchange with political theory. The challenge of how
to implement sustainability in a democratic way is more complex, as classical models of participatory or deliberative democracy are increasingly seen to be in a crisis state. A more intense impact of democratic politics on citizens' ways of life will only be accepted if citizens feel
sufficiently involved in the collectively binding decisions they are expected to implement. The idea of Green republicanism therefore seems a plausible model for a sustainable democracy.
No início dos anos 1880 um novo gênero de literatura política começou a ganhar vigor e a expandir-se, a análise crítica das democracias parlamentares existentes. Na Itália, esse gênero teve uma ...importante expressão na obra de Gaetano Mosca. Antonio Gramsci confrontará essa literatura, preocupado com sua reapropriação e revalorização no debate político a partir do imediato pré-guerra, quando a crise da democracia liberal assumiu contornos mais fortes. O artigo mostra como Gramsci traduz o conceito mosquiano de classe política como “a categoria intelectual do grupo social dominante” e integra-o à sua reflexão sobre os partidos políticos. Desse modo pode interpretar a crise do regime parlamentar como uma crise marcada pela decomposição dessa “categoria intelectual” e pela perda de sua capacidade dirigente. Aquilo que na teoria elitista aparecia como decomposição do princípio de autoridade era interpretada como uma crise de hegemonia, crise do Estado em seu conjunto, da qual o afastamento entre governantes e governados seria a manifestação mais evidente. Na seção conclusiva, apresenta-se a hipótese aventada nos Quaderni del carcere de um regime representativo não parlamentar.
Resumen: Dando por sentado que en un Estado plural y democrático como es el nuestro no puede haber más contrapeso para la mayoría que la minoría ni puede existir más contrapoder oponible a aquélla ...que la oposición. La ausencia de un estatuto constitucional para la oposición parlamentaria debiera ser una ceguera puede agudizar la desafección ciudadana en una época en la que los partidos mainstream con vocación de gobierno en la Unión Europea son «agents with two principals», es decir, agentes de dos instancias a veces contrapuestas, de un lado los electores, de otro las instituciones supranacionales, de modo que la brecha entre representantes y representados puede hacerse insalvable. Añádase a ello que la oposición parlamentaria post-crisis económica ya no se declina en singular sino que la fragmentación electoral ha multiplicado sus sujetos. Se impone por tanto como tarea futura la de proceder a una reconsideración e institucionalización de la oposición, No se trata con ello desde luego ni de instaurar un derecho a colegislar, o al obstruccionismo, o de atribuir poderes de veto, sino de reorientar la función de la oposición y dotarle de nuevos instrumentos, que pueden ir desde la revisión de las reglas de constitución de grupos parlamentarios, o la creación de la Oficina del Jefe de la oposición, al que se pueden reconocer facultades y derechos, la calendarización de los plenos de control, o la fijación del orden del día. Abstract: Assuming that in a plural and democratic state such as the Spanish one, there cannot be more counterbalance to majority than minority nor it can there be more counterbalance to the opposition than majority. The absence of a constitutional statute for the parliamentary opposition can become a blindness that could aggravates citizen disaffection at a time when the mainstream parties with a vocation for government in the European Union are «agents with two principals», that is, agents of two instances sometimes opposed, on one side the electors, on the other the supranational institutions, so that the gap between representatives and represented can become insurmountable. Furthermore, the post-economic crisis parliamentary opposition is no longer declined in singular but, because of electoral fragmentation it has multiplied its subjects. It is therefore necessary as a future task to proceed to a reconsideration and institutionalization of the opposition. The focus is not on establishing a right to co-legislate, or to obstructionism, or to attribute veto powers, but to reorient the function of the opposition and provide it with new instruments, which can range from the revision of the rules for the constitution of parliamentary groups, or the creation of the Office of the Chief of the opposition, to which faculties and rights can be recognized, the scheduling of plenary sessions of control, or fixing the order of bussiness. Summary: I. Foreword. II. Is there an opposition guarantee?: The difficulty in defining an statute for opposition. III. Being in the opposition, is it a constitutive fact or a declarative act? IV. The irrelevant character of the motion of censure. V. Bidirectional obstructionism of majority-opposition. 1. Over legislation. 2. Over the scrutiny function. 3. Over the investiture of the Government. VI. The role of constitutional conventions. VII. The prolongation of the political contest by means of appeals to the constitutional court and through the supportive media corporations. 1. Appeals to constitutional court. 2. Media corporations. VIII. Alternative forms to the parliamentary opposition: the experiences of constitutional opposition, extra-parliamentary opposition, vote-protest, strike and criminal prosecution. 1. The vote-protest. 2. The strike. 3. The criminal prosecution. IX. Balance and perspectives.
An investigation of issues of constitutional law often requires an interdisciplinary analysis. Constitutional law is also related to the economy, with constitutional stability depending on economic ...stability. Emerging economies face difficulties in remaining constitutionally stable. The Brazilian economic crisis generated a constitutional instability whose consequences are still unpredictable. The fragility of democracy in the country promotes the fragility of institutions and the Constitution itself. A purely normative discourse of the Constitution is insufficient, and it is necessary to rescue the politics and reorder the country politically.
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