While it was traditionally accepted that Hongkongers shared a form of pan-Chinese cultural identification that did not contradict their local distinctiveness, over the last decade Hong Kong has seen ...the rise of new types of local identity discourses. Most recently, “localists” have been a vocal presence. Hong Kong has – quite unexpectedly – developed a strong claim for self-determination. But how new is “localism” with respect to the more traditional “Hong Kong identity” that appeared in the 1970s? The present study takes a two-dimensional approach to study these discourses, examining not only their framework of identification (local versus pan-Chinese) but also their mode of identification (ethno-cultural versus civic). Using three case studies, the June Fourth vigil, the 2012 anti-National Education protest and the 2014 Umbrella movement, it distinguishes between groups advocating civic identification with the local community (Scholarism, HKFS) and others highlighting ethnic identification (Chin Wan). It argues that while local and national identification were traditionally not incompatible, the civic-based identification with a local democratic community, as advocated by most participants in recent movements, is becoming increasingly incompatible with the ethnic and cultural definition of the Chinese nation that is now being promoted by the Beijing government. 根据一般理解, 香港虽然有自己的地方特点, 但同样认同大中华文化。可是, 近十年, 香港出现了新类型的香港身份认同话语。最近 “本土” 论述经常出现, 甚至 “自决” 需求都浮出水面。那么, 这种论述与 1970 年代的传统 “香港人” 论有多大差别? 本文试图从两重角度探索本土身份认同论, 不仅探讨它的认同框架 (地方/大中华), 又分析它的认同方式 (文化–族裔认同/公民认同)。通过三个个案——六四纪念会、2012 年的反国民教育运动、2014 年的雨伞运动——, 本文区分本土认同的两种类型: 基于政治与公民 (civic) 的身份认同 (例如学民思潮, 学联的论述), 和基于族裔与文化 (ethno-cultural) 的身份认同(如陈云等人论述)。如果在过去地方与国家层次的身份认同不矛盾, 那么最近的冲突来自哪里? 本文提出这样的问题: 除了中港 (框架) 矛盾之外, 存在于本地公民的民主群体与北京当局促成的族裔文化民族群体之间的冲突, 是否更加重要?
This study on Latin American migration settled in the city of Tijuana, Mexico, aims to explore, describe and analyze the influence of the border condition in the creation, development and persistence ...of an emerging ethnic entrepreneurship and its respective businesses of and for immigrants from the global peripheries. To this end an ethnographic research is proposedinfive observation units distributed in as various points of the border urban weave, belonging to gastronomic entrepreneurs from three national groups: Hondurans, Salvadorans,and Venezuelans. Participatory observation is carried out as a diner and several conversation techniques are implemented with the managers of these typical restaurants. Finally, through an interactive analysis, the presence of synergies between immigrant businesses and the border region is determined, which facilitate the existence of such businesses. The overall result is a first approach to the phenomenon, unpublished in previous studies in Mexico
Este estudio sobre migración latinoamericana asentada en la ciudad de Tijuana, México, pretende explorar, describir y analizar la influencia de la condición fronteriza en la creación, desarrollo y persistencia de un emergente empresariado étnico y sus respectivos negocios de y para inmigrantes de las periferias mundiales. Para ello, se propone una investigación etnográfica en cinco unidades de observación distribuidas en diversos puntos de la trama urbana fronteriza, pertenecientes a empresarios gastronómicos de tres grupos nacionales: hondureños, salvadoreños y venezolanos. La observación participativa se realiza como comensal y se instrumentan varias técnicas de conversación con los administradores de dichos restaurantes típicos. Finalmente, mediante un análisis interactivo se determina la presencia de sinergias entre los negocios de inmigrantes y la región fronteriza, las cuales facilitan la existencia de estos. El resultado en su conjunto supone un primer acercamiento al fenómeno, inédito en estudios previos en México
Jacop Custodi elaborated recently a response to our article “A nationalist party with non‐nationalistic voters? Discussing the limits of nationalism in party categorisation” published in the journal ...Nations & Nationalism. We consider the work of Custodi is an important and original contribution to the study of left politics and nationalism. This being said, we reflect on the negative consequences of overstretching the category nationalism, both referring to parties and to political discourse. The aim of this reply is unpacking and explaining these negative consequences and offering an alternative as well as responding to some specific points raised by Custodi in his reply.
The emergence of Esperantism in 1887 coincided with a nationalist movement in Catalonia that was gaining momentum. During the first decades of the 20th century, both phenomena became deeply ...intertwined, as Catalan nationalists embraced the constructed language and used the transnational network that developed around it to revindicate their cultural particularities. This article explores how the relationship between the constructed language and Catalanists evolved between 1887 and 1928, when a political regime unfavourable to regional nationalisms forced the Catalan Esperanto movement to reframe their activities and adopt a more apolitical and neutral position.
Cultural–nationalist and democratic theory both seek to legitimize political power via collective self-rule: Their principle of legitimacy refers right back to the very persons over whom political ...power is exercised. But such self-referential theories are incapable of jointly solving the distinct problems of legitimacy and boundaries, which they necessarily combine, once it is assumed that the self-ruling collectivity must be a prepolitical, in principle bounded, ground of legitimacy. Cultural nationalism claims that political power is legitimate insofar as it expresses the nation's prepolitical culture, but it cannot fix cultural–national boundaries prepolitically. Hence the collapse into ethnic nationalism. Traditional democratic theory claims that political power is ultimately legitimized prepolitically, but cannot itself legitimize the boundaries of the people. Hence the collapse into cultural nationalism. Only once we recognize that the demos is in principle unbounded, and abandon the quest for a prepolitical ground of legitimacy, can democratic theory fully avoid this collapse of demos into nation into ethnos. But such a theory departs radically from traditional theory.
In the turbulent 1930s, Martin Heidegger gave a lecture on “Logic as the Question Concerning the Essence of Language.” Upon close inspection, this text expounds a form of covenantal thinking guided ...by the Puritan theme of an errand into the wilderness. The proffered analysis shows how Heidegger invokes a poetic conception of colony to reconfigure Germany’s self-image as a culture nation in search of a “new past.” What can be gleaned from this account is a central but neglected link between Heidegger’s thought and colonial discourse, in uneasy proximity to a special form of eschatological racism which divides humanity into spiritual classes marked by varying degrees of fitness for salvation.
The article discusses the role of intelligentsia and the new middle class in the process of nations and nationalism formation during the Modern period in terms of ethnosymbolism. On the example of ...National Collective, the cultural movement for Scottish independence, featuring activists campaigning for a Yes vote on referendum that took place in 2014, the activities of modern creatives in the promotion of cultural nationalism in the information society are reviewed.
The interwar years in Ireland were marked by the widening of international relations following the newly independent Irish Free State’s entry to the League of Nations in 1923. This paper aims to ...provide insights into a lesser-known part of Irish diplomatic history, focusing on how, besides Geneva, Dublin also became significant as a meeting point with Central European small states from the mid-1920s. It will trace how the foundation of the Honorary Consulate of Hungary in Dublin demonstrated Irish interest in widening economic relations and furthering cultural connections with Central Europe, even if honorary consulates traditionally fulfilled primarily symbolic purposes. Based on so far unpublished archival materials and press records, this article will assess cultural and diplomatic links cultivated under the consulate of Hubert Briscoe, highlighting the significance of independence and Catholicism as a perceived connection between Irish and Hungarian national identities. Ultimately, this article argues that Irish images of East-Central Europe may add to our current understanding of Irish nationalism in the first decades of Irish independence.
This paper presents a small-scale case study of commemorative street and place renaming patterns in Mumbai and New Delhi. Three distinct waves of such renamings are identified, driven by dramatic ...shifts in political and ideological orientation: the first signifies a break with India’s colonial past and the reclaiming of national pride and identity; the second is marked by the rise of the Shiv Sena, a radical right wing political party known for its strident form of identity politics; and the third reflects the resurgence of cultural nationalism and populism since 2014 with the coming to power of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), intent on pursuing its Hindu nationalist agenda – with each wave undeniably transforming the cityscape.
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