This article examines the contemporary discourse of eco‐nationalism and its promotion of national sovereignty and belonging. I consider some of the strategies, symbols and narratives by which ...nationalist movements and political leaders have evoked environmental problems and particularly the global threat of climate change to justify excluding populations from ‘native’ lands, erect walls or other physical boundaries around national territories, and limit international traffic of people and goods. This promotion of nation seizes on concerns for continued collective existence, turning away from participation in global networks of culture, capital and cosmopolitanism to act as a bulwark against these networks. As such, it presents a mirror image of global nationalism: whereas the aim is still to take heed of global phenomena, these phenomena now appear as dark clouds on the horizon, from which national citizens must take cover.
The beginning of the Amazigh cultural movement is often traced to the Berber Spring of 1980 which was triggered by the cancellation of Mouloud Mammeri's lecture on ancient Berber poetry at the ...University of Tizi Ouzou in Algeria. But the intellectual foundation of the movement can be traced to the discourse of an Amazigh cultural nationalism which developed since the 1930s in the articulation of anti-colonial sentiments. From Si Amar Saïd ou Boulifa to Mouloud Mammeri, several writers from Kabylia have been identified as having contributed to the construction of a Kabyle Berber identity in their articulation of colonial subjectivity. But in this list of cultural nationalists from Kabylia, Fadhma Amrouche's name is conspicuously absent despite the rich legacy of Kabyle oral poetry and songs she left behind and her autoethnography My Life Story: The Autobiography of a Berber Woman (1968 1988). This essay seeks to situate Fadhma Amrouche in the above-mentioned list by arguing that her eternal sense of alienation and exile as a Berber Christian colonised subject, is also a story about her adherence to her Kabyle identity. This shall be done by examining the relationship between her exile, quest for identity, and cultural revival as expressed in her autobiography.
Contemporary “Soft Power” of Japan: Achievements and Problems Zaryansky, S. A.
Diskurs pi : filosofii͡a︡, politika, vlastʹ, svi͡a︡zi s obshchestvennostʹi͡u︡ : Di pi = Discourse P : philosophy, politics, power, public relations,
03/2021, Letnik:
18, Številka:
2
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
"Soft power" is one of the key foundations of Japan's modern foreign policy. In this regard, the purpose of the article is to study this phenomenon at the present stage, as well as to predict its ...development in the future, taking into account positive and negative trends. The relevance of the research is due not only to global tendencies of transition towards more flexible foreign policy instruments, but also to a number of relatively recent changes in international relations: from the rise of the "green agenda" to the COVID-19 pandemic. The article examines the most important tools of Tokyo's "soft power": culture, international cooperation, governance and participation of non-governmental actors in creating the image of Japan. Methodologically, the research is conducted on the basis of "soft power" indices systems developed by Portland and Brand Finance companies. In addition, the study is based upon a systemic approach, implying a clear causal relationship between changes in one part of a complex phenomenon with its other elements, as well as the nature of the phenomenon itself. The scientific novelty of this research is attributed to consideration of Japan's peculiarities, previously unnoticed in the discourse of "soft power" studies, which may influence the possibilities of Japan's "soft" policy both today and in the future. The author comes to the conclusion that Japan retains its leading positions in the world through "soft power" capabilities. The Land of the Rising Sun is actively using its rich cultural tradition and introducing modern trends in its development into "soft" policy. At the same time, there are factors that can damage Tokyo's "soft power": the attitude towards foreigners and migrants, environmental problems, a relatively high degree of dysfunction of democratic institutions and some controversies of Japanese politics. This, according to the author, can have a significant negative impact on the country image in the foreseeable future.
This article examines Istrianism as a form of regional cultural identity. In doing so, it regards Istria as an important transnational borderland and investigates the historical circumstances that ...underlie the manifest multiculturalism of the region. It focuses on an analysis of key socio-historical circumstances that conditioned the cultural heterogeneity of the region, exploring the impact Habsburg heritage in particular had on current socio-cultural policies and interactions. It examines the Istrian peninsula as part of the Austrian Riviera to determine the effects the polyphonic state structure of the Austro-Hungarian Empire had, probing whether this multicultural legacy is connected to the sustained cultural hybridity of Istria today. The present-day IDS party is examined in terms of its relationship to this past. This paper posits the Austrian Littoral as a tolerant, multi-ethnic space where notions of belonging and cultural identity became purposely intertwined, producing a distinct form of citizenship that was not defined by political ordinance alone, but rather by human agency and the immediacy of basic day to day interactions.
This article examines the range of cultural events and activities that were promoted by the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) in the 2000s under the banner of the Third ...Chimurenga. It contributes to a lively debate on post-2000 cultural imaginings of a fetishised nation riddled by contestations over state power. The article posits that the 'cultural' nationalism that was promoted through the Third Chimurenga emerged partly as a political response to the failures of 'developmental' nationalism of the 1980s and 1990s, and partly as a continuation and intensification of the earlier imaginings of Zimbabwe that dated back to the 1960s. Through a range of cultural activities, the ruling party sought to legitimise its continued rule in the face of the challenges posed by the increasingly popular Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and the growing number of civil society organisations. Through the specific genre of the 'music gala', cultural nationalism came to attribute new meanings to concepts such as 'independence', 'heroes' and 'unity' in the changed political context of the 2000s. The gala effectively syncretised the elite memorialism of the 1980s and 1990s with the cultural practices of the 1970s liberation war. The revival of cultural nationalism in the 2000s assisted ZANU-PF in deepening and strengthening the liberation war as Zimbabwe's primary foundation myth. It also enabled the ruling party to delegitimise the MDC as a party without liberation war credentials and as a threat to the country's 'independence' and 'unity'. This article tracks the roots of cultural nationalism prior to the 2000s, and analyses the forms that were promoted as part of the Third Chimurenga, with a specific focus on music galas, bashes and commemorations, in order to consider the type of nation that was being celebrated, performed and commemorated in the post-2000 period.
This paper is about a particular construction of nationalism at the hands of Romesh Chunder Dutt (1848–1909), the well-known exponent of ‘economic nationalism’, in colonial Bengal from 1870 onwards ...till his death in 1909. In this construction of nationalism, which today scholars would best describe as ‘cultural nationalism’, the categories ‘Hindu’ and ‘national’ converged and became conflated. Through a discussion of Dutt’s ‘literary patriotism’, the paper seeks to answer why it was so in the case of someone like R C Dutt, and what implications we can draw from this regarding our understanding of colonial Indian nationalism and its origins. With reference to Dutt, Sudhir Chandra pointed out that the neat distinction that we draw between ‘economic nationalism’ and ‘cultural nationalism’ is fallacious. The paper reiterates and reinforces this argument by showing how cultural and political nationalisms were enmeshed together in the case of R C Dutt. Furthermore, the glorious past that Dutt reconstructed through his literary patriotism could not but be a Hindu past; he was not a vilifier of Muslims, but somehow he shelved the question of the place of Muslims in his construction of Indian nationhood.
Diaspora networks are one of the key, but often invisible, drivers in reinforcing long‐distance nationalism towards the ‘homeland’ but simultaneously construct nationalist myths within their ...countries of residence. This article examines Indian diaspora supporters of Brexit and Trump in the United Kingdom and the United States who promote exclusionary nationalist imaginaries. Combining quantitative and qualitative approaches, it analyses British Indian and Indian American users that circulate radical right narratives within the Brexit and Trump Twittersphere. This article finds that these users express issues of concern pertinent to the radical right—for example, Islam and Muslims and the left‐oriented political and media establishment—by employing civic nationalist discourse that promotes cultural nationalism. It sheds light on digital practices among diaspora actors who participate in the reinvigoration of exclusionary nationalist imaginaries of the Anglo‐Western radical right.
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