I quattro bozzetti per torcieri di Giovanni Antonio Fumiani (Galleria degli Uffizi, depositi), dipinti nel 1702 per il Gran Principe Ferdinando de'Medici, si rapportano al gusto di quest'ultimo per ...forme d'arte bizzarre e fantasiose. Il colore monocromo, argenteo o bronzeo, dei dipinti sembra suggerire la raffigurazione di candelieri metallici, con elementi ispirati all'oreficeria fiorentina tardocinquecentesca e seicentesca, nonché ai disegni di oreficerie di Soldani Benzi. Il ductus fluido ed il disegno irregolare sembrano escludere che le tele siano state pensate come progetti in vista di un'esecuzione, richiamandosi piuttosto alle grottesche della scuola di Raffaello per esplicita richiesta del principe, insolita in un periodo di sfavore del genere. Se l'iconografia di tre bozzetti – i Quattro Elementi, le Quattro Età dell'uomo, i Quattro Continenti – è indicata dalle fonti, non è al momento possibile decifrare quella del quarto. Fumiani eseguì per Ferdinando anche otto bozzetti per vasi, l'unico superstite dei quali è sempre agli Uffizi. L'urna rappresentata in questo ricorda i vasi eseguiti per Francesco I de' Medici (come i vasi veri e propri della raccolta del Gran Principe) nella forma e negli elementi, insieme a citazioni dello stile auricolare – questi caratteri stilistici erano familiari al mecenate per le cornici dei dipinti del prozio cardinal Leopoldo.
Is there a "true" portrait of Descartes? While we know, with a few exceptions, who painted or engraved Descartes' portrait, we recognize Descartes without knowing if the paintings and engravings ...portray him "truly." What do Hellemans and the unknown author of "Descartes as Faust" have in common with Weenix's painting? The answer is unequivocal: the books; to such an extent that the book serves as an attribute. The icon of modern philosophy is the one that hides to think; it is the one who, from the secret behind the mask, looks at the viewer and forces him, under the prism of iconography, to return from the world of representation to the letter of the text.
¿Hay algún retrato “verdadero” de Descartes? Si bien sabemos, salvo unas pocas excepciones, quiénes pintaron o grabaron el retrato de Descartes, reconocemos a Descartes sin saber si los cuadros y los grabados lo retratan “verdaderamente”. ¿Qué tienen en común los grabados de Hellemans y del autor desconocido de “Descartes como Fausto” con el cuadro de Weenix? La respuesta es inequívoca: los libro; hasta tal punto que el libro funge como un atributo. El ícono de la filosofía moderna es el que se esconde para pensar; es el que, desde el secreto detrás de la máscara, mira al espectador y lo obliga, bajo el prisma de la iconografia, a devolverse del mundo de la representación a la letra del texto.
The development of Southeastern Ceremonial Complex (SECC) iconography has been posited to have had its origins in pre-AD 1200 Greater Cahokia. The recovery of fragments of an engraved shell cup, a ...few engraved pottery sherds, and copper residue from Mound 34 at Cahokia as well as two regional rock-art sites are said to confirm that the early Braden art style had a Cahokian heritage. Furthermore, on this basis, the origin, production, and distribution of engraved shell cups and copper repoussé plates have been attributed to Cahokian artisans. Here the archaeological context and chronology of this evidence is reexamined and found to be problematic-it does not support Cahokia origins for engraved shell cups and copper repoussé plates. The small amount of early Braden materials attributed to Cahokia are better explained as byproducts of the demonstrable presence of early Caddo immigrants and influences in the American Bottom. The skewed distribution and early chronology of Mississippian engraved shell cups and copper repoussé plates confirm they are likely products of Spiro-influenced ritual practitioners. The production and accumulation of such ritual paraphernalia at Spiro can most reasonably be attributed to the site's rise as a sacred place and central locus for regional pilgrimages.
ABSTRAKT Niniejszy artykuł analizuje odciski pieczęci stemplowych ze scenami erotycznymi ze stanowiska Tepe Gawra. Zabytki z Tepe Gawra zostały porównane z paralelnými przykładami gliptyki ...mezopotamski ej. Celem prezentowanej analizy jest reinterpretacja niezwykle ciekawego obiektu występującego, wespół z przedstawieniem spółkującej pary, na pieczęci nr 86 opublikowanej przez Toblera. Analiza zgromadzonego materiału sugeruje, że w istocie owym zagadkowym obiektem może być skorpion. Optyka artykułu skupia się głównie na skorpionie - jego morfologii, ikonografii oraz znaczeniu symboliczno-kulturowym. Prawdopodobnie symbol skorpiona był głęboko zakorzeniony w sferze płodności i magii, które to odgrywają kluczową rolę w zrozumieniu wizualnego języka ikonografii pieczęci odkrytych w Tepe Gawra.
أغفل الباحثون العرب والمسلمون مسألة إبراز الخط الحيري مقارنة بالخط الكوفي؛ فيما تؤكد الأدلة المادية والمرويات المكتوبة أن الخط العربي أُنتج في الحيرة رسماً ومضموناً وأنه انتقل بفضل أبنائها من التجار ...والقساوسة وكذلك الرهبان في صحراء شمال الجزيرة العربية ومدنها (دومة الجندل وتبوك وتيماء ويثرب ومكة). وإن أسماء الكتَّاب قبيل وأثناء عصر النبوة لتشير أنهم كانوا في غالبيتهم العظمى من بني أمية في مكة، ممن زاروا بلاط ملوك الحيرة أو ممن كان لهم تواصل مباشر مع من زار الحيرة وتعلم الخط فيها. وإن تاريخ مدينتي الحيرة والكوفة ليشهد على أقدمية الخط الحيري على الخط الكوفي التي يتضح أنه ليس سوى تطور عن الأول.
Arab researchers have often neglected the ḥīrī script as compared to the kūfī script. The material evidence and written narratives confirm that the Arabic calligraphy was produced in al-Ḥīra, and was transmitted by its inhabitants, merchants and priests, the monks of the deserts and northern Arab cities (Dumat al-Ğandal, Tabuk, Taymaʾ, Yaṯrib, Mecca). The names of the scribes before and during the era of the Prophet Muḥammad show that the great majority of them visited the court of the kings of al-Ḥīra or had direct contact with those who visited al-Ḥīra and learned the script. The history of the cities of al-Ḥīra and Kūfa shows that the ḥīrī script is older than the kūfī script, which seems to be the development of the former
Les chercheurs ont souvent négligé l’écriture ḥīrī par rapport au coufique. La documentation matérielle et les sources narratives confirment que la calligraphie arabe a été produite à al-Ḥīra et transmise par ses habitants, ses marchands et ses prêtres, ainsi que les moines du désert et des citées du nord de l’Arabie (Dumat al-Ğandal, Tabūk, Taymaʾ, Yaṯrib et La Mecque). Les noms des scribes avant et durant l’ère du Prophète Muḥammad révèlent que la majorité a visité la cour des rois d’al-Ḥīra ou ont eu des contacts directs avec ceux qui ont visité la ville et y ont appris l’écriture. L’histoire des villes d’al-Ḥīra et de Kūfa témoigne de l’ancienneté de l’écriture ḥīrī sur le coufique qui paraît un développement du premier.
One of the most wide-spread motifs in Christian art of the early Islamic period in Iraq and the Gulf is the beribboned cross. It derives from the Sasanian composition of a fire altar decorated with ...fluttering ribbons. The symbolic meaning of ribbons in the Sasanian period was associated with the notion of authority and kingship, known as xᵛarənah (Avestan) or farr (Middle Persian). The same notion could also have been expressed in this period by other motifs such as, among many others, a pair of wings, or a ram and a pomegranate. It has been argued that the combination of such motifs (multiplication of farr symbols) in a single composition expresses farrah afzūn, which should be translated as: ‘may glory be increased’. This provides context for the possible reading of the representation of a cross (which can be understood as a Christian symbol of farr) decorated with ribbons as a Christian expression of farrah afzūn, the increased glory of Christ, the victorious King of Kings.
L’un des motifs les plus répandus dans l’art chrétien du début de la période islamique en Irak et dans le Golfe est la croix enrubannée. Il dérive d’un modèle sassanide figurant un autel du feu décoré de rubans flottants. La signification symbolique des rubans à l’époque sassanide était associée à la notion d’autorité et de royauté, connue sous le nom de xᵛarənah (avestique) ou farr (moyen perse). La même notion a pu être exprimée à cette époque par d’autres motifs, parmi lesquels, entre autres, une paire d’ailes ou un bélier et une grenade. Il a été avancé que la combinaison de tels motifs (multiplication de symboles farr) dans une même composition exprime le farrah afzūn, qu’il faut traduire par : « que la gloire soit augmentée ». Cela fournit un contexte pour une lecture possible de la représentation La croix, qui peut être comprise comme un symbole chrétien de farr, pourrait être décorée de rubans pour signifier la gloire accrue du Christ, le roi des rois victorieux, ce motif étant alors l’expression chrétienne de farrah afzūn.
واحد من أكثر الزخارف انتشاراً في الفن المسيحي بداية العصر الإسلامي في العراق والخليج هو الصليب المزين بأشرطة. وهو مشتق من نموذج ساساني منقوش عليه مذبح النار ومزين بشرائط طائرة. وكانت الشرائط في العصر الساساني دلالة على مفهوم السلطة والولاء، المعروف باسم xᵛarənah (باللغة الأفستية، الإيرانية القديمة) أو فارّ farr (باللغة الإيرانية الوسطى). كما استخدمت في ذلك العصر، زخارف أخرى للتعبير عن المفهوم نفسه منها على سبيل المثال زوج من الأجنحة والكبش والرمانة. وقد برهن بعضهم على أن الجمع بين هذه الزخارف (أي مضاعفة الرمز farr) في تركيبة واحدة هو تعبير عن farrah afzūn، وترجمته: «فليتضاعف المجد». وفي هذا ما يدفع للقول إن الصليب (الذي يمكن أن نعده رمزاً مسيحياً للفارّ farr) المزين بالشرائط هو التعبير المسيحي عن مفهوم farrah afzūn، بمعنى ليتضاعف مجد المسيح، ملك الملوك المنتصر.
This paper focuses on the graphic quotations in the "Bestiarij" series, drawn between the 1970s and the 2000s by Dmitrij Prigov, one of the leading figures of the Moscow's Conceptualist movement. The ...stylistic features of his works, such as subjects, colors, spatial arrangement and symbolism, refer to the traditional models of Orthodox religious iconography, here reused in an original way.
This reprint aims to investigate some of the numerous ways in which Christianity venerated and represented the Virgin Mary in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Fifteen researchers in various areas ...of the Arts and Humanities have brought together here their efforts to address in part this inexhaustible objective. The reprint is divided into two main parts. In one of them, composed of six chapters, we study some of the several ways in which the Christian faithful rendered worship and devotion to the Virgin Mary during the more than one thousand years under consideration. The other part, made up of seven chapters, analyzes various iconographic manifestations through which medieval and Renaissance Christians made their devotion to the mother of Christ visible in pictorial or sculptural forms. Therefore, this reprint will be very useful not only for specialists in Christian studies, especially in Marian themes but also for those interested in the development of the societies and cultures of medieval and Renaissance Europe.
