Established in 221 BCE, the Chinese empire lasted for 2,132 years before being replaced by the Republic of China in 1912. During its two millennia, the empire endured internal wars, foreign ...incursions, alien occupations, and devastating rebellions--yet fundamental institutional, sociopolitical, and cultural features of the empire remained intact.The Everlasting Empiretraces the roots of the Chinese empire's exceptional longevity and unparalleled political durability, and shows how lessons from the imperial past are relevant for China today.
Yuri Pines demonstrates that the empire survived and adjusted to a variety of domestic and external challenges through a peculiar combination of rigid ideological premises and their flexible implementation. The empire's major political actors and neighbors shared its fundamental ideological principles, such as unity under a single monarch--hence, even the empire's strongest domestic and foreign foes adopted the system of imperial rule. Yet details of this rule were constantly negotiated and adjusted. Pines shows how deep tensions between political actors including the emperor, the literati, local elites, and rebellious commoners actually enabled the empire's basic institutional framework to remain critically vital and adaptable to ever-changing sociopolitical circumstances. As contemporary China moves toward a new period of prosperity and power in the twenty-first century, Pines argues that the legacy of the empire may become an increasingly important force in shaping the nation's future trajectory.
Post-Imperial Democracies Hanson, Stephen E.
Post-imperial democracies: ideology and party formation in Third Republic France, Weimar Germany, and post-Soviet Russia,
07/2010
eBook
This book examines the causal impact of ideology through a comparative-historical analysis of three cases of 'post-imperial democracy': the early Third Republic in France (1870–86); the Weimar ...Republic in Germany (1918–34); and post-Soviet Russia (1992–2008). Hanson argues that political ideologies are typically necessary for the mobilization of enduring, independent national party organizations in uncertain democracies. By presenting an explicit and desirable picture of the political future, successful ideologues induce individuals to embrace a long-run strategy of cooperation with other converts. When enough new converts cooperate in this way, it enables sustained collective action to defend and extend party power. Successful party ideologies thus have the character of self-fulfilling prophecies: by portraying the future polity as one organized to serve the interests of those loyal to specific ideological principles, they help to bring political organizations centered on these principles into being.
The article deals with the issue of broadly defined borders in political and ideological programmes of selected extreme right organisations in contemporary Germany (AfD, NPD, IBD). The starting point ...for the textual and content analysis of actual programs of these organizations is the author's reflection on the importance of dichotomy in the broader political view of the extreme right. The author claims that the considerably strong focus of the selected right-wing organisations on the issue of physical or cultural borders does not only derive from the timing of their activism - the so called migration crisis. It is rather pre-defined by the ideological features of the far right in general. The core ideological elements ascribed to the far right as a stream of political thought, such as nationalism or authoritarianism, are based on the dichotomy and influence on the far right perception of the world.
As a discipline, the study of Biblical Hebrew grammar began largely among Arabic-speaking Jews of the Middle Ages, particularly in the ʿAbbasid period (750–1258 CE). Indeed, it has long been ...acknowledged by scholars that the Hebrew grammatical tradition, in many ways, grew up out of and alongside the Arabic grammatical tradition. Many concepts present in Hebrew grammar have their origins in the writings of Arabic grammarians of the ʿAbbasid period. And yet, as recent linguistic and anthropological work has shown, setting down ‘the grammar’ of a language can be as much an ideological or political activity as an academic one. In addition to the language itself, speech communities also share beliefs and attitudes about that language—what linguistic anthropologists would term a ‘language ideology’. Language ideology can have a dramatic impact on what forms of the language one regards as acceptable and what sort of rules one imposes on and through their description of the language. Nevertheless, while much work has been done on the interface between Hebrew and Arabic grammar and literature in the Middle Ages, interface of their respective language ideologies has yet to be treated theoretically or systematically. In the present book, then, we survey six specific characteristics of a ‘standard language ideology’ that appear in both the writings of the Hebrew grammarians who wrote in Judeo-Arabic and the Arabic grammarians during the ʿAbbasid period. Such striking lines of linguistic-ideological similarity suggest that it may not have been only grammatical concepts or literary genres that the medieval Hebrew grammarians inherited from the Arabic grammatical tradition, but a way of thinking about language as well.
Suma Qamaña, Poppycock, and wasted time Mollinedo, Pedro Portugal
Latin American and Caribbean ethnic studies,
05/2017, Letnik:
12, Številka:
2
Journal Article
The study examines the assumptions that the media's linguistic choices and group polarisation are largely ideological, conditioned by the respective outlets' ideological positions. Such media ...manipulation and polarisation produce greatly varying representations and labelling of the rival groups, in the particular case of this thesis, the warring factions in the Libyan Civil War. and it is this which in turn produces a variety of representations of the same incident and groups. The study applies the analytical model of the ideological square of Critical Discourse Analysis as this model provides scope to identify ideological discursive moves and strategies for analysis of the salient Ideological Key Terms. In this study, the particular incident on the ground is considered as a source text, while the media representation and reporting on the incident and people are seen as a target text. This study, accordingly, attempts to demonstrate as systematically as possible how the media outlets as translators of the Libyan Civil War of 2014 manipulate the representation of the incident so as to suit and correspond to the policies and the controlling vision of the financiers and/or owners. Furthermore, it aims to demonstrate the reason behind these biased and ideologically laden media representations, which have worked against the stability of Libya and serve to fuel and agitate conflict, thereby causing enduring chaos and the collapse of the state and resulting in proxy wars that have been aggravated both by the actions of international outsiders and by intensive and polarised media propaganda.
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