This book is the first major account of political thought in twentieth-century Europe, both West and East, to appear since the end of the Cold War. Skillfully blending intellectual, political, and ...cultural history, Jan-Werner Mller elucidates the ideas that shaped the period of ideological extremes before 1945 and the liberalization of West European politics after the Second World War. He also offers vivid portraits of famous as well as unjustly forgotten political thinkers and the movements and institutions they inspired.Mller pays particular attention to ideas advanced to justify fascism and how they relate to the special kind of liberal democracy that was created in postwar Western Europe. He also explains the impact of the 1960s and neoliberalism, ending with a critical assessment of today's self-consciously post-ideological age.
The article attempts to substantiate the utilitarian-pragmatic character of Western European philosophy. Various Western philosophical systems are considered in the context of philosophical ideology ...formation. Rational and irrational systems, which developed their own alternatives of philosophical ideology, are compared. It is proved that there was an active development of Western European philosophical ideology, which became the basis for political ideology, in the 18th-20th centuries.
Public opinion in the United States contains a paradox. The American public is symbolically conservative: it cherishes the symbols of conservatism and is more likely to identify as conservative than ...as liberal. Yet at the same time, it is operationally liberal, wanting government to do and spend more to solve a variety of social problems. This book focuses on understanding this contradiction. It argues that both facets of public opinion are real and lasting, not artifacts of the survey context or isolated to particular points in time. By exploring the ideological attitudes of the American public as a whole, and the seemingly conflicted choices of individual citizens, it explains the foundations of this paradox. The keys to understanding this large-scale contradiction, and to thinking about its consequences, are found in Americans' attitudes with respect to religion and culture and in the frames in which elite actors describe policy issues.
This article examines the influence on organizational outcomes of CEOs' political ideology, specifically political conservatism vs. liberalism. We propose that CEOs' political ideologies will ...influence their firms' corporate social responsibility (CSR) practices, hypothesizing that (1) liberal CEOs will emphasize CSR more than will conservative CEOs; (2) the association between a CEO's political ideology and CSR will be amplified by a CEO's relative power; and (3) liberal CEOs will emphasize CSR even when recent financial performance is low, whereas conservative CEOs will pursue CSR initiatives only as performance allows. We test our ideas with a sample of 249 CEOs, measuring their ideologies by coding their political donations over the ten years prior to their becoming CEOs. Results indicate that the political ideologies of CEOs are manifested in their firms' CSR profiles. Compared with conservative CEOs, liberal CEOs exhibit greater advances in CSR; the influence of CEOs' political liberalism on CSR is amplified when they have more power; and liberal CEOs' CSR initiatives are less contingent on recent performance than are those of conservative CEOs. In a corroborative exploration, we find that CEOs' political ideologies are significantly related to their corporate political action committee allocations, indicating that this largely unexplored executive attribute might be more widely consequential.
This article presents what we term a raciolinguistic perspective, which theorizes the historical and contemporary co-naturalization of language and race. Rather than taking for granted existing ...categories for parsing and classifying race and language, we seek to understand how and why these categories have been co-naturalized, and to imagine their denaturalization as part of a broader structural project of contesting white supremacy. We explore five key components of a raciolinguistic perspective: (i) historical and contemporary colonial co-naturalizations of race and language; (ii) perceptions of racial and linguistic difference; (iii) regimentations of racial and linguistic categories; (iv) racial and linguistic intersections and assemblages; and (v) contestations of racial and linguistic power formations. These foci reflect our investment in developing a careful theorization of various forms of racial and linguistic inequality on the one hand, and our commitment to the imagination and creation of more just societies on the other. (Race, language ideologies, colonialism, governmentality, enregisterment, structural inequality)*
Employing a research method informed by Begriffsgeschichte, this thesis proposes a re-examining of pietas in Virgil's Aeneid through a Stoic lens. It aims to show how Stoic philosophy underlines the ...Aeneid and Virgilian pietas. It illustrates how the Aeneid represents a unique intervention in the virtue's history as a distinctly masculine quality characterised by Stoic submission to fate and suppression of emotion. In the character Aeneas, Virgil shows how philosophical ideas can be transmitted through individuals. Aeneas is characterised by a Stoic pietas that manifests in his willing service to fate and his subversion of personal feeling. The Aeneid unites social and political ideas of pietas with personal ones within a Stoic moral framework. We see the remarkable achievement in Virgil's combination of public and private values in Aeneid VI, which serves a didactic function and unveils the benefit of pietas, a community-oriented virtue, for the individual. In Aeneid VI, the ideological coherence of the epic becomes clear, and we see pietas as a unifying behavioural trait for an ideal masculine Roman identity within an Augustan context. In the relationship between Aeneas and the fate of Rome, Virgil urges the reader to accept the overall merit in a Stoic worldview and disposition in relation to the city's foundation narrative. The thesis examines the impact of this ideological coherence on subsequent literature. The reception of Virgilian pietas leads to Christian adaptations of the virtue related to religious faith and devotion to God, akin to what we might consider Christian piety. The shift from Virgilian pietas to Christian piety denotes a move from a politicised ideological virtue of civic service to a quality underlined by spiritual and religious devotion. This thesis determines that Virgil's Stoic rendering of pietas is the ideological lynchpin of the epic, as well as the key to its ideological coherence. Virgil's exceptional and powerful representation of pietas and a hero who embodies it completely has contributed to the lasting appeal of the Aeneid and its appropriation as a quasi-scriptural text by Christian authors, ensuring its continued preservation.
Although the majority of recent scholarship on Alexander the Great agrees that he adopted Achaemenid practice, the nature and extent of this influence is disputed. This thesis therefore offers an ...original, comprehensive evaluation of the influence of Achaemenid royal ideology and court practice on Alexander. Through the comparison of the traditional Greco-Roman literary tradition with contemporary Persian and Near-Eastern sources (in particular cuneiform inscriptions), this study seeks to better understand the nature of, and reasons for, Alexander's gradual shift towards Persian culture. To this end, parallels between Alexander's behaviours and key elements of Achaemenid royal ideology-including emulation of earlier Kings, divine bestowal of kingship, emphasis on truth and the Lie, relationships with nature, the centrality of reward and punishment to court culture, and attempts at integration and unity through marriage and banqueting-are explored. This thesis also demonstrates how Alexander fits into a wider narrative of Persian decadence and degeneration stereotypical of the Greek literary tradition. Ultimately, this thesis concludes that Alexander consciously and actively adopted elements of Achaemenid royal ideology and court practice to augment power gained through conquest of Persia and the Near East. This does not mean that he sought to be an Achaemenid King in his own right; rather, he recognised the centrality of this ideology to local populations accepting his authority and the legitimacy of his rule.
In 1983, the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (Frelimo) adopted Operation Production (OP), aiming, at least in discourse, at transforming the "unproductive people" deemed to be the cause of ...urban chaos into "productive people", largely through agriculture in rural Mozambique. At its end in 1988, between 40,000 to 100, 000 people had been sent to rural Mozambique. Based on the analysis of the Frelimo leadership's ideology and values, triangulated with oral stories of those subject to OP, information from the local and international press, in-depth interviews with members of the Frelimo leadership, mid-low-level state officials, Mozambican National Resistance (Renamo) members, workers from state companies, and observation from the field, this thesis tells the story of the making, implementation and end of OP through a retrospective analysis. It starts with a discussion of the colonial-period ideological construction that led to its urban management model. Then, it explores the trajectory of the Frelimo leadership, the origin of their ideas before tackling the ways in which this past shaped Frelimo's imaginary of urban order that led to OP. The thesis then explores the relationship between ideology, imaginary and policy choice, and its implementation. Finally, it addresses the ways in which OP ended. I argue that the Frelimo leadership's ideas, values and imaginary, shaped by their experience of colonial order, by their military experience during the liberation struggle, and by the socio-economic and political context of the 1970s and the 1980s, was decisive in the making and implementation of OP. It resulted from the Frelimo leadership's ideology and imaginary, framed in their discourse, associated with the context of economic crisis and war of the late 1970s and the 1980s. More than increased production, emphasized in discourse, the main goal of OP was to achieve Frelimo's urban order (the "socialist city"), which was inspired by the historical trajectory of its leadership. The way OP ended, against the Frelimo leadership's wishes, reveals the limitation of ideology and values to maintain policy. The thesis demonstrates the importance of understanding the social and historical origins of the Frelimo leadership, their experiences and history, their ideological predisposition, and the context in which they constructed and used discourse to disentangle African politics, particularly in a highly centralized and ambitious party-state with no strong bourgeoisie or independent state bureaucracy, such as "socialist" Mozambique. The Frelimo leadership had their own perception of urban development, which can be explained through a retrospective and contextualized analysis of their discourse.
Economic ideology establishes a unified, standardised approach to assessing the state and prospects of the economic reality of the state. Accordingly, economic ideology can be defined as a conceptual ...design of a system of ideas, principles and regulations, individual views that can guide the process of socio-economic change, shape appropriate actions and interactions in the economic sphere and give a value assessment of the phenomena and processes of society in this direction. Ideology is emerging as an independent social phenomenon that requires not only proper study, but also the realisation of the opportunities it offers in everyday human life, the functioning of state and local governments, and the political and legal support of the process of social change in Ukrainian society. The subject of the study is economic ideology, its construction, content, types and place in the national ideology. The authors attempt to formulate the main parameters of economic ideology as a substantive component of the economic process and to propose a holistic system of using economic ideology to overcome crisis tendencies in the state. The methodological foundation of the study is based on the general principles of scientific knowledge: the principle of objectivity, which requires the identification of all factors and conditions determining the formation and development of economic ideology; the principle of historicism, which provides for the coverage of the development of systemic reforms in their historical context; the principle of multifactoriality, as the study of various objective and subjective factors influencing the formation, functioning and development of economic ideology. The paper uses such general scientific methods as description, observation, comparison, analysis and synthesis to understand ideology in the context of stabilising Ukraine's socio-economic development. The study of such a phenomenon as ideology has made it possible to identify several basic concepts that are actively used today by every scientific school of modern economics: economic ideology, certain types of economic ideology, and economic policy. The authors analyse certain types of economic ideology from the point of view of their historical formation, relevance, efficiency and prospects of application. Special attention is paid to the latest trends in economic theory. It is noted that today it is difficult to draw clear boundaries between the economic theories and models used to form the economic ideology of the state and those used by governments to achieve their goals. All of them are united by the common task of ensuring stable and uniform economic growth. In other words, the effectiveness of the tools of each economic ideology in one country will not always lead to similar results in another, so the feasibility of their implementation should be determined based on the macroeconomic situation of each country. At the same time, the economic ideology has a state-building character and is intended to combine the process of active state and national development in a single systemic model, in which the state is assigned one of the responsible roles. Results. Economic ideology is an integral part of the transformation of social relations, an important factor in the formation of the state economic system in the context of globalisation and European integration. The modernisation of the political and economic system of society and the development of civil society are impossible without the introduction of the latest economic ideology. Therefore, the inclusion of ideology in the list of central economic categories and its study as such, according to the authors, creates preconditions for understanding and solving many socio-economic problems that arise in society. Based on the study, the authors believe that the use of economic ideology to overcome the crisis phenomena of modern society is associated with the implementation of such areas as the formation of a theoretical ideological construct (model); selection of a consolidating socio-economic idea and filling each component of the defined construct (model) with content; development of economic programmes at the level of public administration, in accordance with the conceptual construct (model) of economic ideology.
If the original aspirations of the Coubertin Olympics were taken seriously as guiding principles, what would the games look like? This paper, published in 1990, grew out of my work with the Olympic ...Academy of Canada and Toronto's bid for the 1996 Olympics, but it was prepared as an intervention in the debates about the use of performance-enhancing drugs in the wake of Canadian sprinter Ben Johnson's disqualification for steroids from the 1988 Olympics in Seoul. While some argued that the use of steroids by Johnson and his teammates was an isolated case, limited to a single club led by a rogue coach, others contended that the practice was far more widespread and systemic. I felt that it was a consequence of the ideology of excellence and the unrelenting pursuit of the podium advocated by states such as Canada, the sports media complex, and the leadership of the Olympic Movement, structured by the financial incentives they created. Under such circumstances, systemic change was extremely difficult to undertake, let alone contemplate. The first step, I argued, was to imagine another approach, one that recaptured the intercultural aspirations of Pierre de Coubertin and applied them to the different conditions of the late twentieth century. This paper constituted one such attempt. It proposes that the Games be renovated as a festival of competition, intercultural exchange and service.
